People of Bengal-Bihar-Orissa Border Region Revive their

Glorious Tradition of Militant Struggle

‘Democracy’ of Vajpayee and Mamata’s mask

Some partial struggles waged by masses

Since the last two and half centuries, the heroic people of Midnapore have been struggling against all types of oppression. Way back during the colonial period they fought against colonialism and later against semi-feudalism and semi colonialism. In each and every struggle the people made sacrifices and becoming martyrs. At the end of the 18th century (1770 to 1790) they launched their first rebellion against the British rulers known as the first phase of the Chuar rebellion. The second phase of the rebellion started in 1799 and continued upto 1816, though it got weakened after 1806. The second phase of the Chuar rebellion was led by Durjan Singh and Rani Shiromani.

When this anti-colonial struggle faced a set-back, another revolt by the name Nayek rebellion was initiated and led by Achal Singh. This Nayek rebellion waged guerrilla war on British troops. The Britishers used cannons and other big weapons to suppress the movement and at last they succeeded. At the time of the independence struggle an area in Midnapore district, by name Tamulk, played a key role against the imperialists. The people of Tamulk liberated the entire area for some time by waging armed struggle. Again, after 1947, under the leadership of the undivided communist party, people participated in land struggles in large numbers. This history of rebellions continued and the people of Debra and Gopiballabhpur participated in the revolutionary upsurge, under the revolutionary Party leadership, during 1967-69 — the historical turning point of the Indian democratic struggle.

In all these rebellions the sons and daughters of Gorbeta and Shalbhani participated and these places turned into focal points of struggle, particularly during the Nayek rebellion. In this way the people fought for the last 200 years against all types of oppression. After the setback of Naxalbari there was a period of lull. At this juncture the CPI(M) made inroads into the various centres of Midnapore and strengthened their position. The CPI(M) cadres initiated wage and land struggles in several villages and established unchallenged supremacy for nearly 2½ decades. Through this period the Congress was routed totally from this area i.e., particularly in the Gorbeta, Chandra Kona, Keshpur, Gorbeta-2 (Goaltore) blocks. To suppress its opponents the CPI(M) utilised all sorts of methods like threatening, fines, preventing agricultural works, destroying and looting property, thrashing and even killing. To implement these methods the CPI(M) leadership mobilised village people at first voluntarily and later forcefully. Gruadually a muscle force emerged and they started to control the region. Since a section of the CPI(M) leadership turned into a neo-rich and upper middle class, rich sections of the Congress and other vested interests in the rural areas also joined the ruling CPI(M) party, and gradually even partial struggles were given up.

The CPI(M) also conducted gram panchayat elections and established its rule through this Gram panchayat system which saw the further growth of the neo-rich class. All government departments were filled with CPI(M) cadres.

Gorbeta and Shalbhani are watered by the Kasai and Sheelavati rivers. Once, way back at the time of the Chuar and Nayek rebellions, it was a dense forest area. Gradually the forests were cleared up and the area was transformed into a developed agricultural belt, particularly for potato cultivation. Irrigation canals were dug and the major chunk of cultivation is under wells/pump sets. Hence the area turned prosperous and is one of the biggest centres for potatoes in West Bengal. Even now a good part of it is under green cover with natural Sal and other trees. The West Bengal government also contributed its share, under the World Bank greenery programmes by turning thousands of hectares of land into Eucalyptus plantations. Through potato cultivation a strong potato syndicate emerged in Midnapore district, having control on political and financial matters. It had been backing the CPI(M) initially but is now patronising the BJP-TMC combine. Midnapore district consists of 35 Assembly segments and 5 Parliamentary constituencies and plays a crucial role in state politics. The broad masses of the down-trodden generally follow the red flag and are behind the CPI(M), in spite of their frustration and disenchantment with the CPI(M), as no other genuine red flag is present. After the outbreak of the clashes with the BJP and TMC, the people desire leadership of the genuine red flag. Village and other levels of the CPI(M) leadership fled the villages. So the people were not in a position to resist the BJP and TMC goondaism on their own. It was in such a background that the PW organisers entered in the Gorbeta villages. At the time of elections more and more clashes took place and the villages turned into battle fields. In this situation, news poured into the area of the class struggles in the battlefields of Andhra, Telangana, Dandakaranya and Bihar. Now they are resisting the State and advancing the movement to a higher stage. The reports gave a general confidence on the revolutionary movement led by the PW Party.

‘Democracy’ of Vajpayee and Mamata’s mask

The RSS entered roughly 15 years back into the Keshpur belt. It established relations in villages and tried to rake up Hindu chauvinism. For this the RSS selected the Karkhushima area, where minority people live, and tried to provoke the Dhanchoda area Hindus in 1989-90 against Muslims. In this area the RSS did not give importance of its traditional style of functioning to run RSS units, but secretly mobilised its forces and established relations with a section of the lumpen and rich business people. The RSS tried to utilise the situation for its communal and fascist agenda under the garb of Hindutva and capitalising on the growing anti-CPI(M) sentiments among the broad masses. Then gradually the RSS supplied fire arms and trained its cadre in RSS camps. When the BJP took arms to counter the CPI(M)’s Alu (potato) Syndicate the other rural elite shifted its support towards the BJP and TMC combine. A legal set-up was also established through BJP units at district and block levels to co-ordinate the activities and secure legal cover for its fascist methods. When the TMC was formed and an electoral agreement was made with the BJP, from then onwards a joint front was formed and together these two parties started combined attacks and resistance against the CPI(M) in the Gorbeta-Chandrakona-Keshpur area. The leadership of this front emerged from the remnants of the Congress. Apart from this, an anti-CPI(M) section and a section of the leadership within the CPI(M) were admitted into the front to fight the CPI(M). Financial support was made available by the Alu (potato) Syndicate and through forcible collection from the masses. The RSS runs military training camps for armed goons and supplies them arms and ammunition. Let us examine two armed camps conducted by the BJP and TMC.

Sandipur Camp

In this village situated in the Gorbeta block, the BJP established a camp for its armed gang of 30 to 40 goons, who stay there regularly and attack villages when ever they feel. This gang leader was Swarup Sarkar who was also the leader of the block and districts units of the BJYM and the BJP. The camp was hosted by the Sandipur business magnet Swapan Sarkar who is a money lender, has a fertiliser dealership, provision store and hails from a forward caste. The armed gang uses a portion of his house and a portion of the nearby school. Lumpen and goons of this panchayat and from nearby villages, were mobilised and kept in the Sandipur camp. These goons regularly move with fire-arms and raid villages at random. People were terrorised by the raids and a majority left their houses or paid a lumpsum as fines to stay in their own houses. Day and night the gang roams and terrorises villagers. Near this camp, a police camp exists to protect these goons.

Ursai Camp

The Ursai village and Gram panchayat fall under the Keshpur block. The Trinamul Congress maintains an armed goons camp in this village with 40 members. Villages nearby, like Marikhbandh, Durgapur, Sampur, Damodarpur, Tara etc., which were once CPI(M) villages, are now forcefully turned into TMC villages. The villagers are fined 2 to 10 thousand rupees in general and more to pay particular fines. Through these fines they collect lakhs of rupees and run a goonda terror raj throughout the block. Krishna Douri and Nimai Maity host the goons in their houses. Both are upper caste (Sadgopu) landlords. Earlier these two were staunch supporters of the Congress and later, in the mid-80’s, they joined the CPI(M). Not only do they shelter the armed goons of the TMC but also lead the gangs in raids on villages and mobilise the people through threats. These gangs spread terror and adopt the same tactics as the BJP, such as looting villages, which do not surrender to them.

Earlier the CPI(M) also behaved in a similar manner but only it did not keep its goons at one place. Prior to coming into power in 1977 there were regular battles between the Congress and CPI(M) for supremacy. According to a statement of the CPI(M), in the three years period between 1970-72, 640 cadres were murdered by Congress goons. Such is the power struggle going on in Bengal among the so-called Parliamentary parties. Now a section of the Congress leadership has changed its name to TMC and joined with the BJP to oppose the CPI(M). So the history of the last 3-4 decades is a live witness to the brutal crimes committed by these ‘democratic’ parties in their power struggle. But each time, the sufferers are the poor people. All three parties have engaged in regular battles for supremacy by terrorising the common people. But all the three claim that the others are terrorising them. This is the democratic style of functioning of these three fascist forces. All are man-eaters and drink human blood.

Now let us see how the goons rampage the villages and kill men and women in massacres. From end ‘97 onwards the CPI(M) leadership surrendered and ran away from the villages of Gorbeta, Chandrakona, and in ‘99, from Keshpur blocks. Those who did not surrender shifted from their native areas. The BJP and TMC goonda gangs roam the villages with fire-arms and improvised explosive devices. These gangs mobilise their cadre of the total block utilising from 200 to 2000 people, depending on the nature of the target. When they mobilise a big mob, generally 50% participate out of fear and 30 to 40% poor people participate at gun point. The families who fail to pay fines, are made to stand in front of the mob during an attack on a village. Only 10 to 20% support the BJP and TMC and participate willingly. In this region these goons have conducted atleast 100 such raids. If any resist, they are chased and killed or thrown into the flames. The mob will loot total villages at gun point and carry away the loot in trucks, bullock carts and on bicycles. After the rampage, only the walls of the houses remain without doors or even windows. These types of attacks can be made by any of these three parliamentary parties. Whether it is the left (CPI(M)), or the communal (BJP), or the ‘fire brand leader’ Mamata’s party, all implement the same terror attacks. The Police help all three and stand as mere spectators at the time of the raids. Later too, they do not arrest anyone irrespective of their party identity. One section of the poor who participate in the raids are transformed into lumpens.The goons attack women and sometimes commit rapes. This is the culture developed by the ‘honourable’ fire brand Mamata, Vajpayee and Jyoti Basu. Since the last two to three years the people have been terrorised. They want peace as well as a fitting reply to all the three fascist parties. Resistance began under the "People’s War" leadership.

The "People’s War" started work in Gorbeta from 1998 December onwards. It started to mobilise the masses to fight against all the three armed bahinis patronised by the state. At first, for 2 months, PW organisers moved around to make contact with the broad masses. But it became problematic to survive amidst the two armed gangs, without fire-arms. So, according to the situation, party organisers first took small country-made arms. Later they switched over to rifles and shotguns to protect themselves and people from the ruthless attacks of the fascist bahinis. Soon after this the squad form of functioning began and revolutionary politics, particularly that of protracted people’s war, spread amongst the people. They responded positively and invited the squad to their villages. Discussions started amongst the masses on counter revolutionary and revolutionary politics. Where the PW organiser and squad members moved, only in those villages of Gorbeta did the people understand that it was only through arming the masses, that resistance to the goons of the BJP, TMC, CPI(M) was possible. In this process the PW activists took the initiative to mobilise the peasantry on their demands. At first, the procurement price for potatoes was taken and a mass campaign was done in the Gorbeta, Goaltore, Shalbheni blocks of Midnapore in the months of February, March 1999. When the PW initiated this campaign, immediately the CPI(M), TMC entered on the same issue and called separate public meetings without any specific demands. This shows their hollowness. Meanwhile the BKMS (Biplabi Krishak Mazdoor Samiti), a mass organisation of the peasantry took the initiative to spread awareness among the masses to fight on these partial demands. When the PW activities started in Gorbeta, the police were on a constant vigil and informed the fascist bahinis to attack and suppress the PW. The Police threatened the masses not to cooperate with the naxals, saying that, if any one supports them blood will flow in the village and the people were instructed to join any of the three Parliamentary parties. The armed gang of Sandhipur under the leadership of Swarup Sarkar, began to hunt down the PW squad and threatened villagers who were willing to help them.

Sitanagar Firing

On the one hand the BJP started to threaten and attack directly, while on other hand they started to collect information of PW activities and started to feed the police with information, regularly. They, not merely informed the police, but even pressurised them to move fast to catch and suppress PW cadres. In this process the BJP alerted its cadres and mobilised 200 to 300 regularly and waited to attack the PW squad. On May 13th the BJP got information of the squad and immediately brought the police. The police came and surrounded the house, where the squad had taken shelter. Meanwhile the people alerted the squad and they retreated from the shelter, but the police started to chase the squad. Then squad opened fire and retreated safely. When the squad retreated the police batch came to the village and arrested one BKMS activist. But immediately the people got mobilised, beat up the police and demanded that they release the arrested person. The police had to bow to the people’s demand and left the village.

This news reached the BJP mob who was waiting nearby to attack the village and squad, but they dispersed with fear. In the entire Gorbeta the CPI(M) leaders almost vacated the area and the broad masses started to openly support revolutionary politics and the PW Party. So the BJP goons reacted even more negatively and started to mobilise more and more arms and cadre. At this juncture the PW activists attacked the Sandhipur BJP armed camp and tried to catch its main leaders, like Swarup Sarkar. But the squad could not identify their targets and spoke to the goons and other leaders, demanding that they stop attacks on villagers immediately, or face dire consequences. Later the PW Party Area Committee issued a leaflet exposing Swarup Sarkar’s anti-people activities.

Even then they did not stop their attacks which actually increased, as the attacks on Nalpa, Kastaguda and other villages indicated. After the warning given by the PW activists at the Sandhipur camp, the BJP goons vacated the camp at night expecting an attack from the PW. They slept at secret places in the nights. At this juncture, on September 9th, the PW attacked Swarup Sarkar in his house at Sandhipur and killed him in broad day light. Through this killing the BJP camp got very nervous. Yet it started retaliatory attacks on the houses of PW cadres and supporters. At first they attacked the PW’s ACM Com. Asit Sarkar’s house and tried to molest his wife. But resisting the goons she escaped safely. Soon after, another gang attacked Ananta Sarkar (brother of AS) a clerk in a local government school and killed him on the spot. The next day the goons again attacked with big numbers AS’s house and killed two of his in-laws, Kalipada Ghosh, Madan Ghosh and tried to kill another nephew Ashok Ghosh, who recovered in hospital, but lost his two eyes. The killers continued their terror together with a big police detachment and higher officials and captured a 12-year-old boy from AS’s house and beat him for two days, and finally killed him as well. From 9-9-’99 to 12-9-’99 the goons looted all the paddy, utensils and even doors of the houses of AS and other people of the village. After the incident, the Sandhipur police camp was beefed up with EFR and CRPF jawans but no culprits (known to all, including the police) were booked. This incident proves how the BJP-TMC combine acted in a left front raj and the nexus between all these parties. Ganashakti, the official organ of the CPI(M) WB State Committee, reported this incident as its first page lead, but no action was taken against either the culprits nor against the police officials present at the site of the killings. But the brother of Com. AS, who was in no way connected to the incident was kept behind bars in a false murder case. After the incident, large numbers of paramilitary forces were deployed and flagmarched in Gorbeta villages for 10 days. Almost all families vacated the villages and took shelter in friends and relatives’ houses. This situation was utilised by the BJP to indulge in rigging with the help of central forces.

After Swarup’s annihilation, the BJP goons and leadership fled the villages. The functioning of the armed gangs has once again changed after the incidents. During the day and night they move secretly, but continue their attacks on the people and revolutionaries. At the time of the 13th Lok Sabha elections all the three increased their armed activity in their respective areas. But the TMC is making inroads into the CPI(M)’s old bastis easily without any resistance. With their eyes on the coming Assembly polls, in 2001, all the three are increasing their goonda bahinis, which are no less a danger than the Ranaveer sena of Bihar or the Razakars of the erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad.

People’s Resistance

Around the issue of procurment price, all the areas of Gorbeta, Goaltore, Shalbani, Chandrakona, Keshpur, Belphari, Lalghar are fertile grounds for waging class struggle and advancing it to higher forms. The terrain of this area is also favourable to resist the goons and state armed forces. The people’s political consciousness is relatively high when compared to other areas of the district. The villages and families which were divided by the ruling parties have been won over to the revolutionary camp. Revolutionaries are trying hard to unite the masses and villages on the basis of classes and class struggle, to advance the agrarian movement to a higher level. They are educating and politicising the masses to come out from their anti-proleterian tendencies and the lumphenisation of the poor by the ruling classes.

In the 3rd week of September the West Bengal state police attacked Inda and Raika villages to nab PW activists and leaders.

Two days prior to the attack some comrades took shelter in Inda, but later left the village. After getting information, the police raided the shelter, thinking that underground comrades were taking shelter in the village. They caught the male persons of the house which the police suspected to be a hideout of the Naxalites and started to beat them, imagining them to be Com. AS and Com. Kamal. Villagers told the police party that the said naxalite team was not in the village. But the police continued to beat them. Hence, more than one thousand women of the Inda and Raika villages got mobilised and resisted the police. In the tussle with the police, one woman chopped off the finger of a policeman to express their anger against police behaviour. The police begged apology and ran away from the site. These incidents proved that the people were ready to fight militantly with the BJP, TMC and CPI(M) goons if a proper leadership and political line, with guidance was available. They are now expecting this from the CPI (ML) (PW).

Armed activity and armed formations at a village level, with higher levels of people’s militia are needed; at the same time armed regular squads need to be also strengthened, expanded and trained to face the goons of all reactionary forces and the state. The people need also to be mobilised with great care and need to wage various types of struggles on various partial demands. Mass organisations need to function openly and in underground to face the enemy’s onslaught. However, the movement will demand sacrifices and courage, to fight till the end, which should not be lacking in the revolutionary camp. From the beginning of the armed formations, the Party needs to caution its members not to take short cuts and wage battles with the enemy without the masses. Armed formations of various sizes, for different purposes needs to be developed, while at the same time, it would have to be combined with activity that consolidates the masses in mass organisations.

Some partial struggles waged by masses

In various centres of Midnapore district people are organised to wage struggles on their genuine demands. Land Struggles: The Left Front government will claim that it has implemented land reforms through operation Barga and distributed land to the poor and landless peasantry. But the land which was distributed long back was given mainly to some cadres of the CPI(M) and its leadership. Till now, landless peasants are in large numbers in rural Bengal. Land concentration is less in some pockets of West Bengal; yet, the land question is still the main problem. Particularly where forest and other waste lands exist, people are willing to occupy those chunks and to cultivate them for their livelihood. The Gorbeta block of Midnapore district and Raipur-2 block of Bankura district border villages, the peasantry occupied 75 bighas of land recently. In Takurpara, the people reoccupied 30 acres of land, which had been cultivated by them for 10 years, but was later occupied by the forest department, who planted cashew-nuts.

Jute seed farm workers struggle

In Durgapur village, there is a government farm of Jute seeds on 1000 acres of land. This farm was transformed into the personal property of the CPI(M) leadership. Earlier, a few thousand workers worked on this farm, but at present 1026 workers were on the rolls. According to the rules, the work force should be treated as permanent workers. But the CPI(M) rejected this, and did not give any permanent jobs to any one. The workers formed a union under the banner of "Durgaband Jute Mazdoors Krishak Samiti" and approached the High Court. The Court’s verdict came in favour of the workers; even then the CPI(M) leadership disagreed to make them permanent apart from a handful belonging to their coterie. Then the workers decided to fight the CPI(M) under the leadership of the PW Party. The workers approached the Goaltore PW Party organiser and started reorganisation under their leadership. At first they gheraoed the CPI(M) leadership, and later, the farm officials. A struggle is going on for making the workers permanent, and to seize 600 acres of farm land which has not been cultivated for a long time.

A rally for water

The Shalbani area is situated between the Kasai and Sheelavati rivers. In some parts, canals from the Karai were also dug but water is released for only a few days in a year, which will not fulfil the needs of the peasantry. This year, from April to June, people faced a severe shortage for water even to drink, let alone for animals and irrigation. The BKMS took out a campaign of around 40 villages of the Shalboni block and called for a rally to meet the officials. Around 200 people were mobilised from 20 villages and blocked the Midnapore-Asansol state highway for several hours. After getting an assurance from officials to release funds and make arrangements for water immediately, the BKMS withdrew the blockade.

Other political rallies

At the time of the Kargil war, various mass organisations mobilised the masses in Calcutta, sub-urban and other areas, to counter the BJP, TMC’s provocation and communal feelings on Pakistan and the Kashmir issues. In Sealdah and Belghoria of Calcutta city the BJP, TMC attacked the people to disrupt the meeting on the Kashmir issue. In some other places, meetings were successful. The speakers spoke on the Kashmir problem and demanded a plebiscite, while condemning both the governments and Prime Ministers for the Kargil conflict. At the time of the 13th Lok Sabha elections the CPI (ML) [PW] and other revolutionary mass organisations took a propaganda campaign to boycott the sham elections. The Boycott campaign took place in parts of Greater Calcutta, Midnapore, Murshidabad, Nadia and Malda districts. Some villages (around 15) boycotted elections this time under the Party leadership and in some villages (say around 25-30) the polling percentage was very low. In Calcutta a joint rally by three parties — the CPI (ML) [PW], the CPI (ML)(Central Team), the RCC (Maoist) — organised and mobilised around 2500 people in the rally. At the time of elections the resistance in Andhra, Telangana, Dandakaranya and Bihar have inspired the people of the state a lot.

People annihilate a class enemy in Murshidabad

In Murshidabad, people have been fighting under the leadership of the Party for a long period. Landlords, dacoits and Congress leaders have been attacking the Krishak Sangram Samiti (KSS) activists and suppressing the masses continuously. The Party and mass organisations are resisting these forces in different ways, including through annihilation. In the first week of June, one anti-people enemy was annihilated in Murshidabad and later in another action 4 persons were killed by the people. Under the Nawada police station, Rajpur is a village where the landlord-cum-moneylender-cum-Congress leader, Kader Shaik, acted as a cruel oppressor. On August 17th, the goons of the landlord attacked KSS activists and beat them seriously. To counter this, people, under the Party leadership, mobilised and attacked Kader Shaik and killed him. In this process his son and other two goons were also killed. The police have booked a case on KSS activists and have arrested Com. Akbar of the KSS.

Arrests in Mayurbhanj district, Orissa

The border districts of three states — Bengal, Bihar and Orissa — were selected as a perspective area to wage and advance the class struggle to higher stage. To achieve this, revolutionary propaganda and contacting people of this remote backward Adivasi district Mayurbhanj of Orissa began. At first one centre, Bangriposhi was started; and later it was expanded to two areas i.e., Badampahar and Gurumoshani.

In the process of our work, Badampahar and Bangriposhi were merged and the area was called the Bangriposhi area. Mayurbhanj is a vast district with dense forests, hills and rivers. Mainly a Santhal population lives in the forests, which is a backward area without any development programmes of the government. At the end of 1997, the police began to track down PW activities and by early ’99 a Special Task Force was formed along with the beefed up police stations of Bangriposhi, Jharpukuria (Bombay chowk where NH 5 and 6 divides) and Bisoi in this area. Simlipal is a national reserve forest (Abhayaranyam) where a number of forest check posts exist. STF forces started combing operations and daily patrols from June ’99 onwards. To gather information on PW activities and organisers, the STF depends on touts of the village, special forest staff and bad gentry, who are opposed to the Party’s entry in this area.

However, since the last 3-4 months, police vigil and patrols have increased to curb the Party activities at the initial stage itself. The Bangriposhe organiser, Com. Ajoy, and member Com. Monica were arrested in Jamtoria village of Simlipal forests on 1-8-’99. The STF of the Orissa police raided the house at midnight where comrades were taking shelter. The people of this area have already started to participate in partial struggles under the Party leadership. The arrest of the organiser hampered the local work to some extent. Later, to increase the suppression, the Orissa police arrested Kachiabeda village mass organisation activists who had initiated a wage hike struggle in a stone crusher. The daily wage was very low in the crushing work, where the worker gets only Rs.22 per day. After this, the owner of the crusher started to suppress the workers and informed the police regularly regarding the leadership. So, he was threatened by the workers to stop all his activities. In turn, the police arrested 5 youths including a woman activist. The Kachiabeda villagers approached the Bangriposhi PS officials and demanded the unconditional release of the village youth, which the police had to accept. In the mean while, police started regular patrols in Kachiabeda and nearby villages to keep a vigil on mass activities. The people opposed the patrols and harassment of the police.

Meanwhile, Dara Singh, a VHP activist and leader of Mayurbhanj area, started to kill minority Christians and Muslims which has been covered in the media in detail since the last one year. In the name of nabbing Dara Singh the police strengthened the patrol parties and increased harassment of the general people of this affected area. In the remote rural villages also some tension developed and people began to suspect new people as Dara Singh’s men. The media and police contributed a lot to confuse people and create a fear complex about Dara Singh. In this context a 11 member team (9 PRs and 2 sympathisers) were caught by the police in Jarka village of Jharpukuria police station. A Party Area Committee meeting had been arranged on 15th September at a sympathiser’s house in Jarka. Some touts of the village reported to the police station that some unknown people were assembled in the village. At midnight the police raided the house and arrested 8 comrades who slept in the hall, and to arrest another 3 who slept inside, extra reinforcements were rushed from Bangriposhi, Bisoi and Baripada. In the exchange of fire 3 comrades were critically injured. Three rifles of .315 bore and 3 tapanchas (shot guns) were recovered by the police. The injured were shifted to Baripada and then to Cuttack. A debate started in the village on PW’s Red flag and BJP’s Saffron activities and people are openly owning the Red flag and are determined to get organised under the Party leadership notwithstanding the arrests. They are eagerly awaiting the release of the arrested comrades and are prepared to organise themselves under Party directions.

A Report from Singhbhum, Bihar

Singhbhum district of Bihar is also part of the BBO perspective area. Ever since1996, PW activists have been trying to penetrate into the heart of this Jharkhand area which has a glorious history of people’s movements. Dumuria, Patka areas were selected to propagate agrarian politics. Earlier, way back in the 1970’s, under our party leadership, the BBO Regional Committee took the responsibility to organise the people in East and West Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj districts, as they are contiguous areas of the then historical struggle of Debra and particularly Gopiballbhpur. Again the CPI (ML) (PW) started work after a gap of 26 years. In-between, none others entered this strategic area, that links the three important states of east India.

An Adivasi peasant mass organisation by name Neerai Gamta was started in 1997 and some partial struggles were led under the mass organisation’s leadership in Dumuria block. In 1998 some wage struggles were again initiated in this area. From ’97 onwards the so-called Jharkhandi parties’ leaders and police have been threatening the people and demanding that they do not cooperate with the naxals. Regular press releases were issued by different Jharkhand parties’ district leaderships to isolate Neerai Gamta in the rural areas. Ghatasila, Tatanagar (Jamshedpur) and other centres, were places from which police officials and Parliamentary leaders would collect regular reports and issue threats to villagers. Block and Tahasil officials also played their role to terrorise the people, when the latter initiated some demands, like issuing proper quotas from PDSs and government stipulated minimum wages. But the officials threatened the villagers for daring to make demands of the Babus. Being at a very preliminary stage of the movement, the people had feared a lot. Kendua is a remote village, where a Mahato (non-tribal) moneylender, contractor, PDS distributor and landlord has been harassing the people since the last 15 years. He occupied even non tribal lands, let alone those of lands of the Santhals. The local people waged numerous quarrels with the landlord and attempted to kill him twice but failed. With the help of the police he always suppressed all voices of revolt. Finally the villagers got organised under the leadership of the Party.

Seeing this development, landlords again took the help of the police and arrested local leaders of the Neerai Gamta and two other village sympathisers. Later, the police started regular harassment in the villages. In this context, people decided to punish Kailash Mahato. This decision was executed by a special batch on July 5th 1999. In this area, where minority people live, a local armed squad (LAS) has been functioning to organise the people.

Earlier, two to three members of the PW Party moved together in plain clothes making contacts from village to village. When threats started from the police and Jharkhandies they moved with countrymade weapons and later shifted to a 5 member squad with rifles and SBLs. Soon, the number increased further.

Way back in the 80s, people of Singhbhum East and West played a militant role in the Jharkhand movement. Ghatasila, Tatanagar, Sarsona and other places were the focal points in this area. The leadership at the top betrayed the struggle, but the cadres and people spilled their blood for the cause of Jharkhand. Santhals, in general, are a militant tribe and have participated in rebellions since the past two centuries. Till now Kanu, Siddhu have been inspiring rebel leaders of the entire Santhal Community. At the time of the Jharkhand movement, the state government imposed cruel repression on thousands of young Jharkhandis. A number of new police stations were kept in the forest areas and even remote villages were terrorised for years together. Hence people have not yet overcome their fear complex of the repression, because there has been no continuation in the struggle. But the armed formations and politics of protracted people’s war inspired them to wage a protracted war from the vast jungles of the Jharkhand.

The Oppressive Tactics of the Government

During the last 3 years in Bengal, to fight against one armed fascist force, another armed fascist force has emerged. These two forces are practising the same methods that were practised in the Middle Ages. Even though all these parties always talk about Parliamentary Democracy, utilising armed gangs to capture votes is the norm. Now these three parties are trying to organise permanent armed gangs to establish ‘Zones of Authority’ in Bengal. Though the ruling CPI(M) has been forced into a defensive position temporarily in some areas, it will restart its attacks. The BJP-TMC combine, which is growing at an astonishing pace, getting arms and training from the RSS, is exercising its authority through the lumpenisation of one section of the poor. At this stage, the central and state governments are trying vigorously to help the BJP-TMC-CPI(M) trio eliminate People’s War which is backing the people by forming armed squads. After the Parliamentary elections, this Fascist trio organised secret meetings at the state and district levels to eliminate the People’s War. At the same time the CPI(M) is still trying to deceive people by waving the Red flag. Out of the paramilitary forces that were sent to Midnapore, the CRPF is retreating by phases but the EFR is still there.

Besides, on 10th October the SPs and higher officials of Midnapore, Bankura, Purulia of Bengal; Mayurbhanj of Orissa and Singhbhum of Bihar met in Raniband of Bankura district and planned the tactics to suppress the movement. They came to an agreement to organise regular meetings, joint attacks, achieve co-operation and information co-ordination to suppress the movement that is growing in these 5 districts of the three adjacent states. In addition, the central government is trying to co-ordinate Bihar with A.P., M.P. Maharashtra and Orissa; at the lower level, administrative units have been set up to implement the tactics of the central government to suppress the movement. The revolutionary movement should utilise the necesssary tactics and alternative forms to retaliate against their methods. In view of the growing people’s resistance against the atrocities that the Fascist trio have been implementing in the garb of Parliamentary democracy, the state has also entered the fray, in addition to the machinery of these fascist parties. The main task of the movement in these circumstances is to make extensive contacts and establish the party deep amongst the people to hit back these combined fascist attacks. The movement needs to concentrate and organise the poor people into the revolutionary movement and imbue them with revolutionary politics. It needs to adopt every method to protect the lives and property of the people from the armed gangs and their leaders and unmask the real face of these parliamentary parties among the people. Arming the people and mobilising them into class struggles in a big way needs to be the main task of the revolutionaries.

— Sukanta