Part II
Women in Socialist China
"The emancipation of women and their equality with men are
impossible, and remain so, as long as women are excluded from social
production and restricted to domestic labour. The emancipation becomes
feasible only when women are enabled to take part extensively in social
production". This is one of the best-known passages from Engels’
writings on women’s liberation. Lenin explained it further when he
remarked: " The main task is to draw women into socially productive
labour, to liberate them from ‘domestic slavery’, to free them from
their stultifying and humiliating subjugation to the eternal drudgery of
the kitchen and the nursery".
The New Democratic Revolution of 1949 put an end to the anti-feudal and
anti-imperialist struggle of the people of China and ushered in a new
stage of struggle, i.e., the stage of Socialist Revolution. The Marriage
Law of 1950, which was introduced by the People’s Republic of China was
an essential change in the realm of superstructure. It established and
implemented, besides other things, the principle of free choice of life
partners and divorce. However, many things still remained to be done in
the realm of superstructure, particularly in the ideas and thinking of
the people. The battle against patriarchy did not come to end with the
revolution of 1949. The birthmarks of the old society cannot disappear
so easily or automatically; what is required is some conscious effort on
the part of the people. And that is precisely the reason why Mao had to
initiate the Cultural Revolution. In the new situation, some of the old
contradictions disappeared, while some others remained; on the other
hand, many new contradictions appeared. Some of those questions were
directly connected with women’s liberation. We will seek to analyse how
the struggle for women’s emancipation progressed through twists and
turns during the period Mao was at the helm of affairs.
Immediately after liberation, women workers were held up to all women as
models to admire and emulate. Books, articles and reports in the daily
press praised women in industrial production as diverse as textile
production and tailoring, coal mining, steel-smelting and
engine-driving. In the mid-1950s, however, there was a distinct change
in the tone of such literature. Articles eulogising the housewife
appeared with increasing frequency. Women’s role as a home-maker, wife,
and mother received unprecedented attention. The house-wife was shown as
contributing to society through her husband and family by acting as a
sort of (unpaid) service worker for those who participated in
production.
At conferences of women’s dependents, discussions continued to consider
how wives could best maintain their husbands’ morale and preserve their
strength for their jobs by protecting them from any problems at home.
Even the series of fashion and beauty features which appeared in
Women in China in 1955 can be seen as the same broad movement to
‘feminise’ women to a reactionary domestic model. This particular aspect
of the movement was short-lived and was replaced by the economy drive of
1956-57 when the slogan was ‘‘build the country up economically, manage
the household thriftily’. Women were told that if they eliminated waste
at the level of the individual household, they would make a great
contribution to the national economy. Many speeches at the Third
National Congress of Women in 1957 shows that these were supposed to be
the concerns of women-work at that time.
At one level, the campaign to confer more social prestige on housewives
may be understood as an attempt to raise the sinking self-esteem of
housewives who, in the early 1950s began to feel isolated and excluded
from the major concern of the new society. At another level, the changes
in policy towards women may be seen as an aspect of the struggle between
Maoist and Liuist political lines. A women’s Red Guard newspaper of 1966
was very critical of the way in which the slogan ‘Build the country up
economically, manage the household thriftily’ had been used. It claimed
that the slogan was based on a line from a speech by Mao Tse-tung in
which he said that the country relied particularly on the women’s
organisations to promote household thrift, but that it had been taken
out of context. In the same speech he had listed many other more
explicitly political tasks for the women’s movement, yet the phrase
‘manage the household thriftily’ had been picked out and made to stand
on its own as a slogan.
The roots of the campaign to glorify housework actually depended on the
objective condition. Unemployment was a major problem in the Chinese
cities in the 1950s. It was limited in part by the capital-intensive
nature of development, strongly oriented towards heavy industry—a mark
of Soviet strategy of development. Residual unemployment was aggravated
by sporadic waves of seasonal unemployment. The campaign reached its
height when pressure was put even on some employed women to retire. It
was argued by some leading members of the Party that just as the old and
the sick should retire, so should women with difficulties should retire
from workforce. The who tried to resist returning to housework were also
criticised. Whatever the reason, this principle of the ‘cult of the
housewife’ was in sharp contrast to Lenin’s condemnation of its
unproductive, stultifying drudgery and Mao’s policy of women holding up
‘half the sky’. However, the campaign to induce women to retire was not
sustained: it was swept away during the Great Leap Forward.
One of the first steps to attain the goal of women’s emancipation was
naturally their physical participation in the process of production,
which would make them economically independent and have repercussions in
the cultural superstructure. The question is: were they employed in all
those sectors where men were also employed? In fact, the presence of
women were felt more in light industry and work of particular types than
in heavy industry and all other types. For example, at Peking No.3 State
Cotton Mill, employing 6,400 workers, 70 % are women; at Wusih No.1
State Silk factory, 80 % of the workforce is female. But at the
agricultural Machinery Factory in Hsiang, Shansi, only 16% were women,
while only men were assigned to work in the commune-owned coal-mine at a
production brigade. This started to change by degrees for the better
when women consciously got rid of these shackles. In fact, one aspect of
the feudal mentality which held women in subordinate position was the
idea that there were certain things which could not do. The mass entry
of women into social production, under the general slogan ‘anything men
can do a woman can do also’, is a living refutation of this conception.
In Tientsin, for example, women workers in pre-liberation days were
mainly employed in textile and light industry. They had in the early
1970s entered areas of heavy industry from which they were formerly
excluded, like machine building, power and transport. In the
countryside, female participation in agricultural production has helped
to undermine such long-held assumptions as that ‘potatoes women plant
won’t sprout’ and ‘melons women plant are bitter’. Such assumptions,
reinforced by patriarchal and clan authority and power, had kept women
out of production (particularly in North China) for centuries.
Women in China took great strides in their own liberation from the
shackles of their feudal existence and made a tremendous contribution to
every stage of the revolution. It is for this very reason that anything,
which attempts to hold them back or implies the reversion of their
newly-won independence has to be constantly exposed and criticised. The
significance of the movement to criticise Lin Piao and Confucius is that
it provides a general political context within which this work of
exposure can be carried out with intensity, and where political
conclusions can be reached. In November 1974, the People’s Daily
published an article by the theory study group of the Tien Chun Commune
and criticising group of Peking and Tsinghua University, which gives
some indications of the sorts of issues involved. They write:
‘In collective production, some units have not done enough in carrying
out the principle of ‘equal pay for equal work among the sexes’. This is
bound to affect women’s initiative in participating fully both in
revolution and production...It should be realised that carrying out the
principle of ‘equal pay for equal work’ is by no means a trivial thing
of arguing for a few work points, but a serious issue concerned with the
total liberation of women, concerned with firmly applying the economic
policy laid down by Chairman Mao, and also concerned with a downright
cut-off from the traditional idea of Confucianism.
‘In the aspect of family life, the remnant influence of husband
authority...is also in existence. Some couples take part in collective
production, work together, and yet do not share household work. There is
still the phenomenon that ‘women go home to cook meals, feed the pigs
and shut up the chickens, whilst men go home to smoke their pipes wait
for food and drink’. Some even laugh at those comrades who help their
housewives with their housework.
‘In the aspect of social convention and custom even more pernicious
Confucian ideas linger on...For example, preferring a baby son to a baby
daughter, sayings like ‘more sons, more well-being’, ‘without sons there
is no happiness’, ‘a family with only daughters is a dead-end family’;
the notion that ‘marriages must have dowries’, ‘there is no friendship
without money being exchanged’ and the idea of ‘study to become an
official’.
Such ideological struggle generates immense vitality and involvement.
In 1980-81, Margery Wolf visited China, met many women and recorded her
observations on the basis of her interviews. In course of her
conversations, one teacher of a nursery school in Peking remarked that
it was men, not women, who did all the innovations. While one can accept
that men played a dominant role in the majority of these innovations, it
is definitely wrong to suggest that women had no role to play, at least
in Maoist China. Michael Opper has described in detail how in 1966, a
group of 9 enterprising women workers built up a metallurgical factory
on their own to produce spare parts for adjoining factories with iron
oxide waste. Young Mongolian women of Ushenchao Commune showed
remarkable initiative and leadership when they through tremendous
efforts halted the extension of desert regions to grazing lands by
successfully planting sand sage brush in the desert. One can multiply
such instances.
As women became actively absorbed in the struggle for social
transformation, the idea of a new ‘model woman’ emerged. This new woman,
unlike the ‘housewife’ of the 1950s, was not confined to home; she
actively takes part in the most difficult and hard work like men. In the
vast agricultural tract of Tachai, there were stories of 23 young
girls—popularly called "Girls of Iron" who always undertook the most
difficult and arduous tasks.
The question of women’s liberation was closely connected with the
question of birth control and family planning. Oral pills, male
contraceptives, introduction of a ring made of stainless steel in
uterus, intra-uterine devices (nylon), vasectomy are some of the methods
which were of use in many areas. The objectives of birth control are
tied up with the emancipation of women: with her participation in
production and her economic and political equality; with her own raised
intellectual level and consciousness; with better health for all,
smaller families, and healthy ones, in a society where public
spiritedness and a sense of sharing enmeshes ever are all
collectivisedly one. In this true liberation of woman she has to be
freed of biological weaknesses, and birth control becomes part of the
total programme of her own total equality.
There is no doubt that there will be no full equality for women without
the socialisation of child-care and cooking. Ellen Leopold observes that
in many areas this process had started. In the 1970s, as he writes,
husbands now do a much greater share of the cooking and child-care.
Laundry, bathing, sewing and mending facilities are all collectivised
for political as well as economic reasons. Like the state provisions for
child care facilities, these services further socialise the formerly
private burdens of the individual household. In cities, neighbourhood
committees had helped to redirect the focus of many women from household
to community management. Problems of the individual family, borne
largely by the wife, have been reformulated as responsibilities of the
social collective. Neighbourhood committees pay special attention to
single parent families, families with a disabled parent, and to older
people living alone. They involve them socially in productive or leisure
activities and provide help with domestic chores. But ‘serving the
people’ in this way is not a form of charity that capitalises on the
‘natural’ disadvantages of some members of the community. It is a
conviction that human development cannot help but improve the welfare of
the collective by improving the welfare of each individual within it.
Neighbourhood committees also organise activities for children after
school and during holidays. This often takes the form of productive
community work—snow and street clearing, fly extermination, street
decorations for local festivals, repair work for revolutionary veterans.
Developing a community identity from an early age eliminates the causes
of vandalism and public neglect. But at the same time, it also reduces
the prolonged interdependence between children and their natural
mothers. Chinese children learn early to trust all adults. Socialised
virtually from infancy, they do no often display pathological fears of
outsiders; adults are simply all ‘aunts and uncles’. In this context,
western insistence on the exclusive commitment of the mother to the
emotional development of her child appears as simply another
justification for keeping women at home.
The Chinese have always maintained that the liberation of women couldn’t
be achieved in isolation, but in a component part of the proletarian
revolution. The conflict between sexes is defined as a ‘non-antagonistic
contradiction’ that is one among ‘the people’ which is to be solved
through patient education. The liberation of women is not just the
exclusive concern of the women’s movement but of all bodies and people
in China. The precise nature of the relation of the women’s movement to
the wider revolutionary movement has tended to divide the women’s
movement around this question; Which should come first, class struggle
or the struggle between sexes? The tension between these two points of
view came to a head on the eve of the Cultural Revolution.
In the early 1960s there was a strong tendency within the women’s
movement to think of women’s liberation as an isolated cause in itself
and one in which its members could solve their personal problems, decide
their own priorities in public and domestic life and work out their own
personal relationships without reference to the form which the political
and economic system takes. The critics of this view argued that the
women’s magazines debated questions such as "What should be the criteria
in choosing a husband?" and "What do women live for?" as if the future
shape and colour of society were irrelevant and problems were peculiar
to ‘abstract’ and ‘above-class’ women. They pointed out that if the
question of women was primarily viewed as a sex distinction it became
entangled in a web of circular arguments founded on their ‘natural
duties, functions or blessings’. They maintained that though the special
oppression women their separate organisation, women did not form a
separate class however the term was defined, but belonged to different
classes the nature of which determined their particular and social
attitudes. That is, there was no viewpoint, which was peculiar to men or
women. Women besides being made aware of their own oppression had also
to be aware of their class interests.
The above mentioned controversy between the primarily bourgeois and
socialist points of view on the relevance of political or economic
systems for women’s complete emancipation culminated in the virtual
disbandment of the Women’s Federation in 1966-67. During the Cultural
Revolution the government set about to involve women directly in the
same political and vocational framework as men. Women did play a very
significant role in the Cultural Revolution, but there is also evidence
that many associations and enterprises felt that so long as overall
revolutionary aims were fulfilled there was no need to pay particular
attention to the position of women. Since work in every field involved
women, it was thought that it would be enough to involve women in every
field! Women in many areas once more felt the need for their separate
organisation and it was the recognition of this need that was
responsible for this rebuilding of the women’s movement in the 1970s.
The local women’s federations had been re-established with the avowed
aims of giving more attention to public and political questions,
undertaking political study, participating in class struggle, involving
more peasant and working women in their organisation as well as
safeguarding the rights and interests of women. By the end of 1973 most
provinces and municipalities had held representative conferences in
preparation for the Sixth National Congress of Women.
The women’s movement in China then was, a continuing movement. It was
recognised that women have not yet reached a position of equality or
developed their full potential. As Mao Tse-tung, Soong Ching- ling and
others made it clear, the need for a women’s movement will continue
until the social transformation of society was complete. Not only is
women’s liberation a component part of the proletarian revolution, but
they are interdependent. The success of each is seen to be dependent on
the achievement of the other. What had been particularly impressive in
Maoist China is the constant recognition and consideration given to the
position of women at all government levels. In the last resort, however,
it had been the struggle within individual families, villages and
factories, which could only be carried out by the women themselves that
had been responsible for their achievements. In this respect, the
separate establishment of the organised women’s movement, its programmes
and work methods, have played a key role in establishing their separate
identity and raising the self-confidence of individual women. It was out
of this confidence that women had found the strength to exercise their
collective will.
The death of Mao in 1976 was followed immediately by the arrest of
Chiang Ching, Chang Chun-chiao, Yao Wen-yuan and Wang Hung-wen, who were
denounced by the new leadership as the ‘Gang of Four’, but who, in
reality, constituted the core of the revolutionary headquarters within
the CPC. While still paying lip-service to Mao Tse-tung Thought, the new
leadership sought to undermine the gains attained in course of the
struggle against capitalist restoration under Mao’s leadership. Besides
other changes in the economic and political spheres, the reactionary
rulers of China under Teng Hsiao-ping, sought to negate all those gains
that directly affected the status of women. Contrary to the practice of
involving women in all kinds of work without neglecting their
physiological problems, the new leadership started to shift women to
office work and also those which required lesser skill. Delia Davin
(‘China Now’, March-April 1982) writes that women were "transferred
from the task of driving trains to ‘more appropriate’ office work in the
railway bureau. Women as a group were excluded from skilled jobs which
conferred higher wages and status to less skilled jobs which offered low
wages. The signs of job-stereotyping were noticeable in other areas
also. In the textile and handicraft industry, even in factories where
the vast majority of the workforce was female, the supervisor tended to
be male. Many ads. conveyed stereotyped images of women as housewives
and mothers—reminiscent of the ‘cult of the housewife’ of the 1950s—the
only people likely to operate washing machines, or as rapid decorative
consumers of cosmetics and other luxury items. There were calendars,
which exclusively portrayed women from classical beauties of history to
modern young women with perms and westernised features".
Males outnumbered females even at the stage of primary school but the
inequality sharpened as one moved up the system and was greatest in
elite institutes. Stereotyping images of girls was noticeable in
children’s books, for example where girls were portrayed as playing with
dolls while boys handled action toys or girls were at a loss what to do
in some situations and boys gave the lead. kindergarten performances
showed the same tendency by casting all the boys as drivers and all the
girls as passengers or getting the girls to nurse their dolls while
their boy-husbands go out to work.
Cultural forms are being used to spread decadent feudal and bourgeois
values. ‘Beijing Review’ reported that a Japanese film ‘Yearning for
Home’ was shown on TV throughout the country. The film depicted the
lives of Japanese prostitutes in South-east Asia during 1900-1930.
Replying to the criticism of those who said that certain parts of those
who said that certain parts of the dialogue and plot reflecting scenes
in the brothel would ‘have a bad influence among the young people’, BR
bluntly stated that ’it is not safe to keep people in a safe’. The
Peking Opera returned to the old themes and started staging old operas
like ‘The Drunken Beauty’, which is about the emperor and his
concubines. The patronage of decadent culture and bourgeois values was
particularly noticeable in November 1980 when a semi-official exhibition
of paintings was held in Peking, many of whose exhibits were female
nudes. Preference for a male child has once again reared its head
especially in the rural areas with negative consequences for the girl
child. The women of China whose struggle for self-assertion and
emancipation had been proceeding along a zigzag course along with the
consolidation of socialism during the Maoist era was stalled,
and the bourgeois leadership that seized power sought to establish the
old social order with all its muck, bloodshed and de-humanisation.
Mao once remarked that even if capitalism was restored in China, those
forces would not be able to live in peace. Will the people of China
allow the present ruling clique to turn their beloved country into an El
Dorado to be ravages by foreign imperialism and domestic reaction, or
will they rise up in the true Maoist spirit, bombard the headquarters of
reaction and hawkers of death and recapture political power and march
onward resolutely to build up a truly socialist society? Let the East
win again prevail over the West wind. Let the people of the world
respond to the great call Mao gave in 1970: "People of the World,
Unite and Defeat the US aggressors and all their Running dogs".
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