Lessons from European Social Democracy
To conclude, the literature and activities of the CPM, CPI and other
parliamentary Marxists in India, remind us of the disastrous role of the
Austrian Social Democratic Party led by Bauer in 1933.
In Austria, the Social Democratic Party of Bauer had a considerable
following among workers and the other toiling classes. This party even
controlled the Vienna municipality and sent a good number of its member
to parliament.. In March 1933 when the reactionary government of Dollfus
unleashed its armed attacks on the social democratic party, the workers
and other toiling people, the social democratic party, pinning faith on
the parliamentary system betrayed the fighting workers who offered
resistance. The reactionary government attack ultimately caught or sent
to the gallows many of its leaders. The revisionist leader Bauer, who
was spared, wrote later: "But we shrank back dismayed from the battle.
We still believed that we should be able to reach a peaceful settlement
by negotiation".
However, the Indian parliamentary Marxists like the CPM, CPI, etc. are
far worse than the Austrian social democrats. While a section of the
Austrian leaders of middle ranks thought of resistance, Indian
‘Marxists’ of the parliamentary fold have made ‘resistance’ a taboo
word, ‘militant movement’ an unspeakable adventurous saying. The
people who avoid the responsibility of arming the masses in an excellent
revolutionary situation born out of the country’s acute economic crisis
and the consequent passing the excruciating burdens onto the backs of
the masses, are in fact misleading the revolutionary toilers in India.
They actually create a smokescreen losing faith in the monumental
potentials of resistance and thus become protagonists of spontaneity
crying a halt to conscious leadership committed to developing resistance
struggles. In what follows is an excerpt from John Gunther’s book Inside
Europe Today198
"As the Nazis in Germany tried to foist on the world the notion that
they saved the country from Marxism, so did Dollfuss Heimwelr- clerical
apologists announc that they used field artillery to kill women and
children in residential buildings in order to crush ‘Bolshevik
insurrection’ on 12 February. The reality was a cold-blooded Fascist
Coup d’etat. The government charged Dr. Otto Bauer and Col. Julius
Deutch, the two leading socialists, with being Bolsheviks. The fact was
that their brand of social democracy saved Austria from Bolshevism in
1919 …. The government alleged that members of the Socialist Schutzbund
possess arms. They did indeed – arms which the government itself gave
them…. as a defensive measure against Yugoslavia during a frontier
crisis in 1920.
….. The socialists wrote their doom, not by aggression, but by
temporasing, by seeking compromise…. The battle in Vienna lasted four
days, and in the provinces five or six. Almost a thousand men, women,
and children were killed. Nine Socialist leaders, including one man
seriously wounded, and dragged to the gallows from a stretcher, were
hanged.
Otto Bauer was the brains of the social democratic party. Socialism lost
out in Austria because of its decency. The socialists
hated bloodshed and violence, they could not believe that their enemies
were capable of ruthlessness and treachery….. As democrats, they
believed in the tolerant rule of the majority …… Orthodox Second
International Socialism was, in 1934, as old-fashioned as horse-cars.
Flattened between the opposites of Fascism and communism, the socialists
became, instead of a revolutionary party, a party of the middle. They
represented workers in work; and after some years of comfortable, almost
bourgeois living in the Engels Hof they lost a good deal of
revolutionary fervour; they were not so anxious as before to man the
barricades…. Back in 1919 they had a chance to acquire the Alpine
Montangesells chaft, the pivot of Austrian industry; they let it go, and
instead built lovely swimming-pools and gardens for Vienna kiddies. The
socialists-led Vienna municipality owned about thirty-five percent of
the land of Vienna; it employed fifty-four thousand people and was by
far the largest enterprise in Central Europe; from 1923 to 1929 it spent
about £ 22,000,000 on housing and similar projects…. It collected above
£ 50,000,000 in taxes per year, and it owned the municipal gas works,
the electrical plant, the street-cars and sub-ways and omnibuses, the
slaughter-houses and the public baths, a cemetery, a brewery, a bakery,
and a big department store. All this went into government hands, once
Fascism struck arresting and retrenching thousands. Finally the
socialists announced the four things which would cause a general strike:
(1) imposition on Austria of a Fascist constitution, (2) installation of
a government commissioner in Vienna, (3) dissolution of the social
democratic party, (4) dissolution of the trade unions.
What happened then was one of the ghastliest muddles in revolutionary
history. A vote to call a general strike was carried by a majority of
only one. Meanwhile, the workers in the powerful electrical union,
inflamed, infuriated, preferring death by slow suffocation, had without
orders- already struck. But no contact had been established between the
electrical workers and the building, where the committee met. The call
for general strike was never promulgated. The government did what any
hard-boiled government would do. Conveniently the whole leadership of
the party, Bauer and Deutsch excepted, were in the lion’s den and the
authorities simply arrested the lot. Anticipating this the party had
appointed second and third men for each post; they were all arrested
too.
The fighting that followed was heartbreaking. The lack of organization
was pitiful. Bauer, a stern disciplinarian, had ossified the party, so
that young men eager to go on the streets obediently waited all day
Monday and till Tuesday expecting orders to fight. The orders never
came; the young men then began shooting and were slaughtered…. Most of
the workers did not know where their arms were hidden. One band of three
hundred Schulzunders never received arms because the second-in-command
refused to disclose their location without orders from above.
One can say what one likes about the leadership of the party. But about
the valiant courage of the men there can be no doubt. It took a modern
army of nineteen thousand field artillery, four whole days to crush the
resistance of perhaps thousand forlorn and desperate Schuzbunders, their
backs to the wall or their necks in the noose. It was a hopeless fight,
but it was magnificent. The workers of the world will never forget the
February heroism of the Vienna proletariat."
(Sanbad Pratidin, 12 July, 2003)