Volume 2, No. 1, January 2001

LN : Well, when we came to this area people not only did not have food, they hardly had any clothes to wear — and other commodities were totally absent. Now you can see for yourself — all have land, though it is still subsistence farming. And at the meeting you see women all dressed in saris, the youth in T-shirts. Now in every village many have torches, earlier it was only burning wood that was used. Also you will observe at any meeting dozens of umbrellas, earlier it was only the thatched hats for protection. There has no doubt been some progress but we have, as yet, a long way to go.

LN : The rough population of the region in which we work is about 60 lakhs (6 million) of which our organisation exists in roughly 35 to 40% of it. Our influence and impact extends well beyond the 60 lakhs. It is only the lack of our subjective forces that prevents a sweeping growth to the entire area, and beyond. In fact we are continuously being invited to the neighbouring regions, but do not have the forces to go.

LN : We spent a whole year first in surveys of the South Bastar region. In May ’82 we set up the first permanent squad in Bastar. By 1995 we had four squads. It was only after countering the first severe repression of 1985, that our mass influence really began to grow. After 1987 there was a huge leap in the movement. Mass organisations swept the region and we began to get our first local recruits into the squads. Then came the 1990 round of even more intense repression. Hundreds were arrested, organisers killed, women were raped and the entire mass organisations smashed. In 1991 we took a counter-campaign against all the local sarpanches, patels, mukhiyas, etc., who led this campaign together with the police. They were publicly beaten, fined, some property confiscated, and a few of the notorious elements annihilated. By 1992 all the mass organisations were revived. It was in 1990 that we also spread to North Bastar. Since then, inspite of regular terror campaigns (Jan Jagaran so-called) we have continued to expand the number of our squads and area of operation. Today, the bulk of our squad members are locals.

From Gadchiroli (Maharashtra) side the development was similar, only the level of repression they have faced is similar to that of AP. A squad entered in 1980, but unlike Bastar, the huge growth took place earlier in 1983-84. In 1989 they spread to the north and east of the district and also moved squads to Bhandara and Balaghat. Then the butcheries of 1991-92, in which hundreds have been killed, saw much of the mass organisations crushed. Since the last year or two it has once again revived. After each round of repression, the fighting preparedness of the mass organisations rebuilt, reaches higher and higher levels.

LN : Initially this was a major cause of confusion. Our first leader, Murali, said that tribal society is classless and that contradiction is only with the state. But in reality we found the Mukhiyas, the patels etc., highly oppressive. Also, the patels owned most of the land while the rest owned little or none. Also the sarpanches, etc., mostly came from the family of the Mukhiyas, and through their contacts with the state/officials made vast amounts of money and terrorised the villagers. It was basically a semi-feudal society at different levels of transformation.

In the most backward areas like Abujmad, where only one surname family exists in a village, the mukhiyas oppress mostly through cultural etc., traditions. They had little connection with the state and quickly surrendered before the movement. But in areas of migration from Dantewada, like Konta, strong semi-feudal relations exist with multiple surname villagers. Here, the Mukhiyas, patels, sarpanches, are the main leaders of the Jan Jagaran and actively oppose the movement. They continue to raise their heads whenever there is an enemy offensive. The class character of tribal society is also evident from the extreme forms of patriarchy that exist. No doubt, it is different from the plain areas as in AP, but it is still semi-feudal.

LN : Most will say that it is because of the factor of forced marriages in the villages. That may be one factor but not the main reason. For many years we have taken a strong attitude against forced marriages which are now much reduced. We have even been supporting and assisting love-marriages in the villages which was unheard of earlier (I heard they were flogged to death). Yet the influx has increased. The main aspect for the influx is our understanding of man-woman equality and the respect they gain in our movement. By joining the squad they are like freed from the cage that imprisons them in daily life.

LN : After the 1995 CC Circular, we began the process of building GRCs.But there was no prior experience. So, in 1997 we first formed 5 GRCs as an experiment. In that year there was a lot of discussion, on what is its role, how it should function, its relations with DAKMS, etc, etc. Now we have some more experience. Yet it is relatively new, but as the movement deepens these will become more firm and widespread. Though, it must be remembered that these are not mere development committees, but the embryonic form of the people’s democratic dictatorship which must assert its political authority over the class enemy.

LN : It will be different from China. Here the process will entail a gradual development of the GRDs (Village Defence Squads) to become more widespread. Already in South Bastar we have started building Area Rakshak Dals (ARDs) which takes responsibility for 12 villages. This is an advance over the GRDs. Besides, already the masses enmasse resist the enemy.

LN : In South Bastar, the GRDs have been in the forefront in smashing the informer network. Though their jurisdiction is the village, they have gone as far as Bhadrachalam (in AP) to kill an informer. Also they have killed informers in the market place, right in front of the police, and then melted into the crowd. The GRD is recruited from activists/militants within DAKMS. It is totally secret and functions under the SAC. It is made up of 5 to 7 member (planning to expand it to 9 and 11) with a commander. They use only local weapons (bow and arrow, muzzle loaders etc) but are trained in explosives which they use. Recently we have brought about a small change — the GRD will now also be linked to the village cell and not just the SAC. The reason being that during the latest ‘Jan Jagaran’ the GRDs were ineffective in countering the enemy, as there was no coordination with any local village units, particularly the village cell.

The ARD functions only under the SAC. It has a full time commander, who is a party member. He also carries a weapon. They function in a wider area but have no relations with the local GRDs. They also participate, in ambushes and raids and are responsible for intelligence within their area.

Both function only to suppress the enemy and are strictly not to be used for resolving contradictions amongst the people.

LN : Nearly three months of the year goes in meetings, classes, camps, protection duties, etc. Even still, if there are one CGS plus 2 LGS within the area, with effective SAC members, it could cope. There was no problem in the earlier stage of the movement where the only task was building the mass organisation. Now in a village meetings have to be taken and problems solved of DAKMS, KAMS, Bala Sanghatana, Development Committees, GRC, Cells, GRD ..... which can take from one to two days, if proper attention is to be given. So an LGS which is supposed to visit a village in 20 to 25 days should have a maximum of 30 villages. In reality they have much more. Besides, due to the backwardness of the region, all SAC members are, as yet, not efficient in taking organisational responsibilities.

Basically this problem has to be solved by a correct balance between organisational and military tasks, and through the political/organisational development of the SAC members. Also, LGSs are few. More need to be built.

LN : In 1984 a Nodal Centre was formed by the centre to coordinate police action in the four states. But, till 1996, this remained as a coordinating centre. Basically any new tactic adopted in AP was immediately implemented in Maharashtra and MP. But since 1996 state governments have been conducting joint operations. In the Balaghat encounter the Maharashtra police was also involved. This year the MP and Maharashtra police jointly attacked a March 8th meeting of women.

Last year after Advani’s high level meeting the offensive would have increased, but for the crisis of its government. Since 1997 there has been talk of inducting para-military forces in the border areas with a separate command, not under the control of any state government.

LN : The chief source of all development work is free labour (shramadan). For capital costs money is raised by contributions, confiscation from the enemy classes and through party loans/donations. The party factor would not even amount to 25% of the total. There must be consistent education of the masses and of our PMs that development must be through labour not through money. We had one negative experience. During the terrible famine in 1997 in one area we decided on a food-for-work project giving a kilo of rice for a day’s work. In this case the whole approach of the masses changed — they saw us as employers. The key factor here is not merely development but the consciousness to work selflessly for the collective.

Development work too is a struggle. Those involved often face the wrath of the state forces.

LN : Here, we call it the Percentage Raj programme. It has had zero effect on the lives of the people. But the funds are utilised to create a network of agents of the government, with each taking their cut. These elements act as a major force against the revolutionary movement.

LN : The main point is not free medicine, but a question of confidence. They have more confidence in the squad member’s medicine, though the same medicine is given in the village. Our perspective is not merely to even cover costs but should be the welfare of the masses. Our health workers in the village should have an approach to serve the people; it is they who, should reach out to the sick in the village and not take their work as a mere technical job. Many die of simple malaria or diarrhoea, going to the fradulant ‘vadde’ (witch doctor). The main question is to gain the confidence of the people. Our health workers must have the approach of organisers to find and treat sick people — not wait for someone to come to them. If the GRCs develop we can infact have a health insurance scheme, giving free medicine to all.

LN : We only killed the most notorious. The others surrendered to the movement giving up part of their land for distribution. But these persons continue to be the main class enemies who raise their head whenever the repression increases. In front of us they behave nicely, behind our backs they try and sabotage our programmes, by spreading all sorts of rumours. This we have noticed in each ‘Jan Jagaran’ campaign of the state. The lesson that we have learnt from this is that we must be more thorough in crushing all those who collaborate with the state. Their total economic clout should be broken and not merely fined and they should be debarred from all political activity (i.e., becoming sarpanch, block chairman etc). We cannot beat up everyone who becomes a sarpanch etc. But if they partake in the government’s repression campaigns they should be crushed economically and politically. Even if a person from middle peasant or rich peasant background acts as an agent of the government, even after repeated warnings he/she should be treated as a class enemy.

LN : Bastar is a specific case where much of the new rich peasantry has developed through excessive seizure of forest land in the earlier stage of our movement. At that time the poor did not take much as they lacked the ability to till it. Since then we have twice undertaken redistribution of excess land of the rich peasantry to the poor. We have at present begun yet another campaign of removing excess land of the rich peasantry, but as all have land now this will not be distributed, but used for afforestation or for common fruit orchards.

Besides, the mutual aid teams and cooperative agricultural activity begun since the last two years has put a further block to the growth of a rich peasantry. If all agricultural activity becomes cooperative (the mutual aid teams started) there is no labour to be exploited on which a rich peasantry can grow. That is why the rich peasants (or even aspiring middle peasants) have subtly been trying to hamper agricultural work being done by mutual aid groups. I have noticed a subtle, yet strong wind against this new initiative. Interestingly there is no opposition to all other cooperative activities — firewood collection, house thatching, fish ponds etc — but only in that sphere where surplus can be extracted.

LN : They see all development linked to the new political authority they wield. We have therefore not seen any reduction in their participation in activities or in the mass organisation. It is in fact growing. But there has been some effect on our committees (mass organisation). When they were poor peasants they more actively fought against the local village Mukhiyas. Now they sometimes tend not to be so active in fighting them. This problem we discussed in 1996 itself .... and the answer lay in more political education of the committees.

LN : Simply put, it can be said that when the GRCs, not the DAKMS, becomes the main form of organisation in the villages; and when the platoon, not the squad, becomes the main form of military organisation — could we say that we have reached a higher stage of the guerrilla zone.

LN : It can only be Gondi. But because of the extreme backwardness of the region the language is very undeveloped. Also it varies from region to region with large influences of Telugu, Hindi, Marathi and Oriya depending on the location. Yet there is a common thread. To develop Gondi we are printing reports from regions in the local Gondi language and if in another region another word is used we put that in brackets... so that both terms get known to the whole area. Ofcourse, our efforts in this sphere can be limited. Besides, in many of the tribal areas where we are not present a host of hindu chauvinist organisations are actively hinduising the tribals, creating an elite Brahmin caste amongst them, and making them look down on their own mother-tongue.

LN : The question came up, that should Bastar be part of the proposed Chattisgarh state. It was felt that in a new Chattisgarh state its major wealth will be in Bastar which would be ruthlessly looted. So it was clear Bastar had everything to loose by being part of Chattisgarh. There was talk of central rule. But there was also the growth of a Bastar feeling amongst the petti-bourgeoisie. To break this feeling Bastar has recently been divided into three districts. We believe that all tribes have the right to autonomy or statehood and Bastar is bigger than Kerala in geographical size. There are also certain historical factors.

LN : Many of us who have been here since 1981/82 were fired with the goal to build DK as a Guerrilla Zone and then a Base Area as outlined in the ‘Perspective of Guerrilla Zone’ document. It was a challenge. I myself have been active since the young age of 14, drawn into the movement by my brother, who was one of the Giraipalli martyrs ‘encountered’ in the Emergency at the age of 19. I was active in RSU till June 1981. And in October 1981 joined the Venkatapuram squad, before moving to Bastar. Today I am as comfortable in Gondi as with Telugu. We are confident of taking DK to the higher stage of Guerrilla Zone and then to transform it into a Base Area.

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