Volume 1, No. 1, March 2000

The new millennium was ushered into this country by a massive strike wave by nearly one million government employees / workers. The 64 day strike by over 4 lakh state government employees of Rajasthan, the 44 day strike by 3 lakh state government employees of Jammu and Kashmir, the 11 day militant strike by nearly one lakh employees of the UP State Electricity Board (UPSEB), and the 5 day strike by one lakh port and dock workers ………. were all attempts to resist the ruthless onslaught launched by the various governments on the living conditions of their employees. Most historic of all, was the UP worker’s strike which blazed a new path against privatisation and the World Bank's policies. It was a fully political strike of enormous significance. This relatively better-off section of the working population is now facing the axe by the governments, under pressure from the World Bank and other imperialist agencies. Not only have wage hikes been frozen, even their routine bonus payments, DA (Dearness Allowance) increases and other benefits are not being disbursed. Their Provident Fund amounts are being illegally swallowed up, and large-scale retrenchment is lurking over the head of each employee.Besides these strikes of the employees, the strikes by the lawyers was unprecedented and shook the law courts throughout the country. The entire lawyer community of six lakhs struck work and boycotted courts from a week in some places to nearly a month in others.

This was not Kashmir, nor the North-East — it was the very heart of India, the Hindi belt. It was not against so-called terrorists, but against the government’s very own employees. Now, there was no excuse of ISI agents having instigated these strikes. It was a clear-cut class conflict, with the employees on the one side pitted against the government and big business on the other.

Though the entire month of January witnessed big upheavals, affecting the lives of over five million people, there was little coverage of these events in the mainstream newspapers ………. except, of course, in the form of condemnation and vicious attacks on the employees / workers. In fact, the government’s repressive policies against the employees was supported to the hilt. With such biased reporting, and a media blackout, which sought to make such major strikes into a non-event, the government’s free hand against the strikers was facilitated.

In each case the government refused to negotiate with the strikers, claiming a lack of funds. Rather, they used the stick to beat them into acquiescence. While the governments can waste enormous funds on jumbo ministries, raise their own salaries and allowances three fold, double the yearly allocation to MPs for their constituencies, spend huge sums on their security and siphon off crores through perks, privileges and corruption, they refuse to pay a single extra paisa to their employees.

Strikes of Seven lakh State Government Employees

The strike of the 4 lakh state government employees in Rajasthan began on Dec.15,’99 and that of the Jammu and Kashmir employees on Dec.18,’99. The first ended on Feb.15,2000, after 64 days; the second ended on Jan.30,2000 after 44 days.

All that the Rajasthan government employees were demanding was their yearly dues. The employees had not raised any new demands and had only sought implementation of certain agreements reached with the government earlier. This pertained to the payment of bonus for 1998-99, DA on par with the Centre, time bound promotion of teachers, removal of discrepancies in the implementation of the Fifth Pay Commission recommendations and lifting of prohibition on claiming Provident Fund and medical tour bills.

Similar was the case of the Jammu and Kashmir employees. They were merely seeking the release of their pay arrears due to them as per the Fifth Pay Commission Report and payment of two DA instalments due to them in 1999.

In both cases the governments, instead of acceding to the just demands of the employees, came down on them with a heavy hand.

In Rajasthan, in the course of the 64-day strike (the longest ever), 2,500 activists were arrested, and the leaders were dispersed to jails throughout the state. The employees were not permitted by the police to hold rallies and they were forcibly dispersed whenever they tried to assemble at any place in Jaipur. To counter these fascist measures, the employees went from door to door to build public opinion and even their wives and children took to the streets.

On the 48th day of the strike the 11 top leaders were brought to the Jaipur jail in a bid to pressurise them into a "settlement". Instead, they resorted to a ‘fast unto death’ in the jail to protest against the non-acceptance of their demands and police excesses on employees in different parts of the state. The revisionist and other unions, which were silent during the major part of the strike, turned their strike call of February 9 into a token dharna on the assembly.

Meanwhile the four days of talks ended in failure on Feb.8th, with the government unilaterally announcing a package and giving an ultimatum of 72 hours to the employees to rejoin work. In the ‘package’ announced by the CM, bonus was abolished for ever and DA arrears were to be credited to their PF account. The union rejected this ‘package’ and called for an indefinite dharna at Manak Chowk in Jaipur from Feb.10. In support of the strikers one lakh gazetted officers across the state, of the Rajasthan State Gazetted Officers Services Confederation, went on mass-casual leave on February 9th, to protest against the "callous and unjust" policy of the government. They refused to take their salaries of January to express their support to the demands raised by the striking employees.

The strike continued to be total. The government then put forward a new package and negotiated a deal with two ‘leaders’ who have little support amongst the employees. Simultaneously, they viciously lathi-charged and arrested employees who came for the dharna. In Bharatpur severe clashes broke out, a police jeep set on fire and policemen stoned. In Jaipur, the police imposed prohibitory orders and arrested those employees who tried to gather for the dharna. Though the government failed to split the workers the leaders finally compromised. Neck-deep in economism, the leaders called off the struggle with none of the demands accepted— bonus was refused, DA arrears were to be credited to the PF account, no pay would be given for the strike period, nor would it be adjusted against earned leave, and, not even was an assurance given that criminal cases would be withdrawn.

In Jammu and Kashmir the story was much the same. The government had invoked ESMA and arrested thousands of employees, issued suspension orders against many and stated that no pay would be given during the strike period. In the agreement struck after the 44-day strike, though the cases were withdrawn and suspension orders revoked, the state government merely promised to pursue with the Centre for the funds being demanded by the employees. It was agreed to credit both, the DA instalments from Jan. to Dec.’99 and also the arrears on account of the Fifth Pay Commission, to the employees’ PF account — in other words, the employees would get nothing.

Historic Political Strike of the UPSEB Employees

The employees of the UPSEB have shown the path to the working class of India for a militant struggle against the imperialist offensive within the country. In the last seven to eight years all parties have been capitulating to the World Bank sponsored schemes and are now hell-bent on privatisation of the State Electricity Boards. This has already been done by the Janata Dal government in Orissa, TDP government in AP and the Bansi Lal government in Haryana.

It is a clear case of World Bank sponsored onslaught on the people of our country. That is, to change the policy of giving electricity as a service for the people, into a profit-making machine taken over by the large MNCs in collaboration with their compradors. In order to do this, the governments have launched a double attack — on the public, and on the employees of the SEBs. The public will have to pay a huge hike in electricity charges; the employees will face retrenchment, wage-cuts, casualisation of work, etc. Huge profits will thereby accrue to the MNCs/comprador houses, with the governments acting as their agent and facilitator. As it is, in India electricity to some sectors is five times the international rates. Now it will become unaffordable for the poor and the entire peasantry.

In July ’99 the Act enabling the restructuring of the UP power sector received the presidential assent. The State Electricity Regulatory Commission thus set up, issued, on Jan.14,2000, a notice of trifurcation of the UPSEB. The trifuncation was to split the UPSEB into a hydel corporation, a thermal corporation and a power corporation (which would handle transmission and distribution as well). It was this notification that immediately precipitated the strike throughout UP. The strike was sought to be ruthlessly crushed, with the government treating the employees like common criminals. The vicious repression was undertaken jointly by both the state and the Centre, with the latter issuing firm instructions not to compromise in any way with the striking employees.

From the second day of the strike itself the arrests began when 150 were thrown into jail. The strike was near total and power generation in the state was reduced to half. The government was forced to buy large quantities of power from the national grid to maintain the power supply. Instead of negotiating with the strikers, the government began wholesale arrests ……. raiding their houses at night and even harassing their families. The highhanded methods of the police became so crude, that the wives of the striking engineers had to obtain a writ from the high court to restrain the nocturnal police raids.

During the course of the strike, 17,000 powermen had been arrested and over 3000 dismissed from service. These included the two top leaders, Dubey and Singh, who, on being granted bail, were re-arrested under the NSA. In order to break the strike, the government also put out full-page advertisements in all prominent newspapers in Northern India, calling for new recruitment ………. and also began the process of employing new recruits.

Meanwhile, employees of SEBs throughout the country went on strikes in support of their comrades in UP. The Northern Indian Powermen’s Federation (NIPF), comprising Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi and Punjab, first went on a day’s sympathy strike. This was followed by the powermen of West Bengal, M.P., Karnataka, Maharashtra, Kerala and A.P. The employees of Coal India Limited threatened to stop supplying coal to the power plants in the country.

The government tried its best to break the strike, not only through repression, but also by pitting one union against the other. To accomplish this, the services of ex-union leader George Fernandes were utilised. In the midst of the strike the KMPS (Kisan Mazdoor Panchayat Sangh) leader, Pandey, was released from jail for negotiations, while, simultaneously the two main leaders were arrested and packed off to jails in distant Banda and Hamirpur.

Finally, on Jan 25th night, a "compromise agreement" was struck, wherein the unions agreed to trifurcation, and the government agreed to defer privatisation by a year. It was also agreed that the interests of the workers would be protected in the new corporation. Service conditions, pay scales and retirement benefits would remain unchanged. Disciplinary action taken against employees during the strike, including termination of service and criminal proceedings, were to be withdrawn.

But, no sooner had the agreement been struck, and the employees returned to work, that the government went back on most of the promises made. Particularly blatant was the continuing process of privatisation of KESA (Kanpur Unit) which was specifically agreed to be stalled. Soon after the strike, orders were issued to register KESA as KESCO (Kanpur Electricity Supply Co.) by Feb.15,2000 —— KESCO is to have 74% equity of a private company. By Feb.28 KESCO sent a proposal to the Regulatory Commission for a hike in electricity charges and by April 1, KESCO is to charge the higher rates to the consumer expected to be a hike of over 100%. Besides, KESCO has suggested large-scale retrenchment of its staff. It has demanded that 2,800 employees out of a total of 3,382 (83%), 104 junior engineers out of 114 (91%) and 50 senior officers out of 90 (56%) be removed, or shifted to other departments. Besides, the SEB has illegally utilised the employees Provident Fund amounts to pay off the central power utilities. After trifurcation and formation of the corporation, it has not been made clear who will pay these dues. Now, KESCO employees face a loss of their accumulated provident fund and also their pensions. Privatisation of KESA is an example for all, on what the employees and consumer will have to face with the World Bank dictated policies for the power sector.

But, the formation of KESCO was not the only back-stabbing by the government. On Feb.2, the Vidyut Karmachari Sanyukt Sangharsh Samiti (an umbrella organisation of 12 power unions) accused the government of violating the Jan27, 14-point agreement by not withdrawing cases registered against striking employees and not canceling transfers directed during the strike period. And as the 12 union leaders proceeded to lodge their protest with the CM, all were arrested enroute. This led to flash strikes of UPSEB employees throughout the state, resulting in their release.

Tensions though, continues, with the Central and State governments, determined to proceed with privatization of the power sector and cringe before World Bank conditionalities. In fact, after the withdrawal of the strike and return to work, clashes occurred in many centres throughout UP, with the strikers attacking and beating up strike-breakers and officers. This is an indication of the further course of militant action likely within these unions. Meanwhile, a number of intellectuals, including former vice-chancellors, professors and teachers, have demanded in writing from the politicians that trifurcation will give better electricity services to the people.

Dock Workers’ Strike

On Jan 18, 2000, one lakh dock workers in the 11 major ports around the country went on strike. The strike call was given by the five federations of port and dock- workers throughout the country to press for wage revision and improvement in service conditions. Also the workers have opposed the ‘reforms’ planned by the government which would increase their burden by enhancing the turn-around time. The rejection of these demands precipitated the strike.

The strike was total, and yet again the government initiated strong-arm methods to cow down the work force. During the strike the Navel and Territorial Army personnel were called in to man the ports. The Indian Merchants Chambers (and association of big business) urged the government to deal firmly with the workers saying that "port services should be treated as an essential service as frequent strikes had badly effected the ports". The government, while it had recently granted a salary hike to officers of 50 to 80%, offered the workers a mere 28%.

The government's threatened arrest and dismissal of the workers, led to the union withdrawing the strike. Though the workers had strong bargaining points in their favour, with the holding up of export shipments worth Rs. 800 crores each day, the leaders withdrew the strike with only an assurance for further talks. But even this deal ran into rough weather with the government trying to split the workers by fostering chamchas as union leaders. The unions therefore boycotted the February 2, meeting of the Bipartite Wage Negotiating Committee accusing the government of intrigue and manipulations by inviting to the talks two representatives of "insignificant and unrecognised" unions.

Six lakh lawyers, from 1,0000 courts all over the country went on strike from periods varying from a week to nearly a month. This strike was unparalleled in the history of the Indian legal profession. Not even a district or taluka-level court was untouched by the mass action. Lawyers throughout the country boycotted courts, organised rallies, built human chains, wore protest badges, observed hunger strikes, held public meetings with posters and placards, organised rasta rokos, burnt effigies of the law minister and even had pitched battles with the police. From the Supreme Court in Delhi to the smallest courts at the taluka level ... all were up in arms against the undemocratic and pro-imperialist changes sought to be imposed on the legal profession by the BJP-led government. Though many lawyers have BJP/RSS links, they rose as one, to fight the imposition of fascist legislations within the Civil Procedure Code (CPC) itself and the attempt to allow foreign law firms into the country as per the dictates of the WTO.

The lawyers were, first and foremost, opposing the 40 amendments to the CPC, that were passed by both houses of parliament in November ’99 and sought to be implemented now. The amendments are draconian in nature, and resemble the changes brought in during the Emergency. The amendment, defacto, sought to do away with the right of appeal. If the amendments were to come into force, there would be no right to appeal in civil and writ matters leaving citizens at the mercy of the single judge’s order. The only appeal would be to the Supreme Court, which most would not be able to afford (The Supreme Court is stationed only at Delhi, with the government vehemently opposing starting benches in different parts of the country).

Besides, the amendments deny second appeal to most small-cause cases, refuse the right to revise the plaint or the written statement after its filing, narrows down the scope of injunction, and even transfers the power to cross-examine witnesses away from the courts and the lawyers. The amended law states that cross-examination of witnesses is to be recorded not by the court but by a commissioner to be appointed by the court at a designated place other than the courtroom.

The lawyers were not only opposing these amendments to the CPC, but also a working paper circulated by the Law Commission of India suggesting some 18 changes in the Advocates Act of 1961. Through these changes the government sought to allow foreign lawyers to practice in the country. This is not surprising, as the WTO agreement on services, calls for opening up not only telecom and insurance, but legal services as well,..... by 2005. And, the servile government wants to please their imperialist masters long before that date. Further an amendment to the lawyers act, would make it mandatory for a lawyer to sit for fresh examinations every year for the renewal of their licence......... a form of harassment that could be used against lawyers active in any democratic movement.

It was against such draconian measures and outright betrayal of the country’s interests that forced the lawyers to the streets in militant actions. In Tamil Nadu and Karnataka the lawyer's boycott began from February 14 itself. As there was no response from the authorities, on February 22 the lawyers of Chennai formed a human chain and burnt an effigy of the Union Law Minister. Later, the Bar Council of India, called for a nationwide boycott on February 24 and a march to parliament.

On February 24, lawyers through out the country went on strike, and thousands from all over India participated in the march to parliament. The police parked vehicles across the road to prevent lawyers from proceeding further. Dressed in riot gear they launched an all-out attack when the lawyers sought to advance. Water cannons and tear gas were used against the lawyers. Enraged, the processionist threw stones at the police injuring twenty policemen including some senior police officials, and attempted to proceed towards parliament, breaking the barricades. The police then resorted to a brutal lathi-charge injuring eighty advocates and not even sparing journalists and photographers.

The Bar Council of India, then called for an indefinite strike, demanding that action be taken against the police officials involved in the lathi-charge. Throughout the country lawyers took to the streets condemning the lathi charge. In Chennai, advocates and law students did a rasta roko on the busy NSC Bose road condemning the lathi charge and called for the resignation of the law minister. Lawyers in not only major cities but even the small district towns of Maharashtra, Bihar, UP, Rajasthan and throughout the South shouted slogans on court campuses and burnt effigies of the law minister and prime minister. The strike continued for nearly a week until the law ministry capitulated saying it will not implement the new legislations without first consulting the lawyers. But, as the government refused to take action against the police officials involved in the lathi-charge, the Delhi High Court and lower courts declared that they would conduct a series of hunger strikes from mid-March ..... and have threatened to intensify the agitation if action is not taken.

Growing People’s Militancy

This strike wave is now spreading to other sections of the people. The lengthy strike by lawyers throughout the country, and their pitched battles with the police, is further indication of the rising militancy. In addition, on February 9th the one lakh coal miners of the Singareni Colleries struck work presenting a charter of 60 demands to the management. The strike continued for 12 days.

But, as the working class has been bound hand and foot by unions led either by reactionaries or revisionists, most of the struggles failed to achieve their goals. These ‘leaders’ are nothing but agents of the ruling classes within the workers’ movement. Their only task is to dampen working-class militancy and act as a safety valve to allow workers to let off steam in a harmless way, in order to diffuse the struggles. But the workers/employees are themselves going beyond the limits set by their leaders. The militancy in the present wave of struggles is an indication of what is to come in the future. This is likely to increase, with systematic plans for the reduction of employees in the government departments. With the MP government sacking 44,000 temporary workers and the UP government’s plans for the retrenchment of two lakh of its employees……. the writing on the wall is clear.

Yet, these government employees and lawyers must realise that if they are to win their struggles and successfully counter the repressive policies of the ruling-classes, they must fulfil three basic necessities : First, they must ally with the other oppressed sections of the people to strengthen their movement, and that of the working-class in general; second, they must give up their old methods of corruption and harassment of the public in order to win popular appeal for their demands; and third, they must discard economism and ally with the revolutionary forces in the country, which alone can lead them forward, successfully fighting the government’s repressive actions. It is only thus that they will be able to beat back the present offensive on their rights. Particularly, the historic political strike by the UPSEB, has shown the path for the Indian working class, in their struggle against the imperialist offensive in India. The working class must draw lessons from this struggle and advance forward.

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