Volume 1, No. 4, June 2000

Hope You are well. I am receiving People’s March, which is giving first hand information and analytical articles, thereby helping me to improve my experience and knowledge. I am sending you this letter on the occasion of the completion of two decades since the formation of the People’s Guerrilla Forces (PGF), which are fighting the enemy to seize political power, through a protracted people’s war.

In this letter, I will try and paint a picture of the movement, based on my recent experience with the Bhamragarh squad. Some members of the Bhamragarh guerrilla squad of the Dandakaranya Special Zone explained the situation to me, and discussed a number of questions related to the movement. This letter is based on reports narrated to me by the squad commander.

The Bhamragarh squad area is one of the important areas which connects Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. A number of hill tracts, like the Gatta and Bhamragarh hill ranges are contiguous to the vast tracts of the Abujmahad hills of MP. Between these ranges rivers like the Pamula Goutami, Paralkota, Bande, Jamiya and a number of other streams flow north-south,finally flowing into the Indravati river and then into the Godavari. The rich forests contain bamboo — which mainly feeds Thapar’s Ballarpur Paper Mill — beedi leaves, teak wood and numerous other raw materials, for which production has not been planned by the exploitative rulers.

Adivasis, mainly Madiya Gonds, a backward tribe, live in this region. Earlier two squads — the Perimili and Bhamragarh squads — operated from here. Now, due to state repression the Bhamragarh area is included in the Perimili area and includes the Gatta, Tadigaon and Bhamragarh ranges.

Earlier, due to its favourable terrain, the squad did not face much problems from the enemy forces. But in the course of these two decades, the enemy has moved strategically by building up its infrastructure and has deployed its armed forces to try and block supply lines and through better coordination with its own state forces and that of MP.

From 1992 onwards, the PGFs of Maharashtra hardly got time to breath due to regular combat operations with the enemy. It took time for our PGFs to resist the enemy and defend themselves. In the course of this defence we organised the people and prepared them for struggle and resistance.

The enemy has been implementing a plan to encircle the vast hill tracts. Without the encirclement and the cutting off of the supply lines of the guerrilla forces, fast movement and deployment of their forces is not possible. Hence the enemy decided to establish permanent camps and build roads and other communication networks. Under the leadership of the peasant organisation, the DAKMS, the people opposed road-building and demanded irrigation and other development projects. Due to the struggle the Maharashtra government had to give up its attempts at road-building and called in the Army — the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) — in 1994, to build the roads in this area. In these six years, a key area with favourable natural terrain for the guerrilla forces, is now covered with tar roads built under army supervision.

The three tehsil centres, Allapalli, Bhamragarh and Etapalli have been linked and a number of sub-roads have also been built which speeds up the movement of enemy convoys. The BRO is continuing with its construction of more roads and bridges. Recently I heard there was a newspaper report on the burning of military (BRO) vehicles in neighbouring Bastar. Why were these vehicles burnt ? Because the people of Bastar want development projects; while the rulers want to construct roads to create terror in people’s lives through the increased movement of government forces. The rulers say this is part of their upliftment work. I have heard of a government of India’s recent live telecast on a DD channel, which showed the achievements of the BRO, including the building of roads in Gadchiroli district, as part of the nation’s proud achievements.

Comrades, people do need development to improve their living conditions. But the rulers want to crush the movement by building their infrastructure. This contradiction always exists in the ongoing class struggle between the interests of the people and that of the government. The government has tried to suppress the movement for the last 20 years, but has not been successful. So, they decided to face the protracted people’s war, with protracted strategic preparations.

Near the hill ranges some villages play a geographically vital role. At these villages the enemy has built fort-like camps soon after completing the pakka road network. So now camps exist at Koti, Nargonda, Lahiri, Bhamragarh, Gatta, Tadigaon, Manne Rajaram. Two more are planned at Nelgonda and Gangwada. Apart from this a special commando force, which has been trained in counter-insurgency and anti-guerrilla warfare, will stay for three days in a week in every camp to coordinate the combing operations. When they receive information of the squad’s movements additional platoons are deployed. This is a ruthless force that attacks people brutally.

Apart from this the enemy is developing an informer system that gets regular information. Regular connections with the informers and regular patrols by the troops in the affected areas as per the principles of counter-insurgency war developed by bourgeois generals, is the dictum followed here.

We have to develop and adopt Mao’s guerrilla principles depending on the concrete situation, by analysing the enemy’s tactics properly. Orthodox Marxists or sectarians or dogmatists recite quotations from the pages of Marxist books. But they do not think over properly how to apply Marxism to the concrete condition and develop people’s war to liberate the country. In this context, I think a debate is needed once again to bring clarity to the revolutionary camp. In India, I think it is the experiences of AP, NT, Bihar and DK that have sustained the armed struggle for two decades and developed it to a higher stage. Other experiences are the ongoing struggles of the various nationalities like the North-East, Kashmir, and earlier the Sikhs of Punjab. We must study and apply Maoist principles of war and defeat the opinion of orthodox pundits.

I will now turn to some recent incidents of how the squads and people have retaliated against the enemy offensive.

Two months back six members of a squad went on some technical work. They stayed in a village and spoke to some persons. One turned out to be an informer who sent a message to the police. Eight platoons of the Special Commando Force and Special Reserve Force (SRF) from local camps encircled the routes to the village, and some approached the village elders demanding to know the whereabouts of the squad. Not only did no one mention a word, but they informed the squad on the police movements. Though the squad was alerted, the terrain was inconvenient to cross in the day time. However, the squad moved some distance and took positions in the grass fields. Later, the squad approached the people to gather further information. The people informed them about the details of the encirclement and asked them to take cover at a safer place. Ultimately the police failed to get information on the squad and returned. The squad observed a 200 strong force, equipped with AKs and SLRs, marching back to their camps. The squad, which had six weapons — 4 shot guns, one .303 rifle and one .315 rifle — could not possibly have matched the fire power of the enemy. Here, not the terrain, but only the consciousness of the people saved the squad.

Actually our forces need better arms to fight the enemy. To win a battle or encounter, the quality of arms also plays an important role. Earlier the enemy was equipped only with .410 muskets and .303 rifles and gradually shifted to AKs and SLRs. This improves their capacity to ambush the PGFs. But with weapons alone no force can get the upper-hand, without the assistance of the people. Here, the people are with us. In the last eight years’ severe repression the enemy could not finish us, while we have strengthened our PGFs and mass base. But the blood of the people, party members, PGF and leaders have flowed in the course of the struggle.

A few months back, the squad ambushed a BRO platoon near Aluru village in which two to three jawans were wounded. Later, within an hour, a big detachment of the Special Commando Force came to the ambush spot, where the small squad was waiting to strike again. The vehicle which carried them was a big truck, but the squad had only a small amount of explosives which was not sufficient to damage it totally. The squad only managed to kill three commandos in this ambush.

In the past five months, the squad punished three informers who used to give information to the enemy. Kandi is a village where we annihilated one village chieftain whose information to the police led to the martyrdom of Com. Raghu. He moved some times secretly and some times openly with the police. The village people and squad warned him. But he did not listen.

Now I will tell you another incident.

Tekla is a village on the banks of the Paralkot, which is a gateway to the foot hills of Abujmahad. A tout from this village, employed as a police informer began to live at Bhamragarh town, gathering information about DAKMS’s activities and the whereabouts of the squad. The villagers tried their level best to persuade him to stop his activities and urged him to return to the village and lead a normal life. He accepted and came back, and the people believed he had changed. But news about the squad’s movements and activities in the area continued to reach the police. So, the activists of the surrounding villages kept a vigil on him. Finally, he was caught. It was decided by the people of the area to annihilate him, but the villagers objected and said they would control him, and asked for one more chance. The LGS and concerned party committee accepted this. But the tout did not change his behaviour and hence the decision of his annihilation was implemented two months back. Within 1½ hours of the action 20 enemy vehicles reached the village and began combing the area.

There is yet another interesting incident. A person came to stay at Chikengatta village saying he wanted to join the PGF. The SAC (Squad Area Committee) then asked another squad to check his details from his native village. The report received was negative. Meanwhile the villagers observed footprints of the police, in a nearby area. They suspected that the police from the Pedda Rajaram camp was secretly visiting the village area with the help of this person, in order to ambush the squad. They immediately alerted the squad. Later, the squad and people caught and questioned him. He was annihilated once he accepted that he was spying for the enemy.

These are some recent examples. When the squad moves in an area, particularly in the Bhamragarh block which has unfavourable terrain, the enemy tries to trap the squad. When the guerrillas move in big formations — i.e., 15 to 20 or platoon size — the enemy confines himself to the camps and stops all patrolling, suspecting an attack from the PGF. If the enemy gets exact information of the squad of a smaller size, then a large enemy force will try and encircle the squad. The newly constructed roads allow for speedy movement of enemy convoys.

Besides, the enemy is now recruiting local youth in to his armed forces. For a long period no one joined the police force even though they were enticed by the enemy. But gradually lumpens, bad gentry, along with some unemployed youth addicted to vices or lured by money, have been joining the forces either as informers or regular job holders. Before being given the job the officials are putting one condition to the would-be recruits — that before joining they should give concrete information of the squads, by continuing to live in the village.

Even under the above mentioned adverse conditions the squads are mobilising the people on partial and political demands. Recently, the tendu-leaf wage struggle was initiated. The village mass organisation committees now negotiate the demands with the contractors. This year the rate for 100 bundles of 70 leaves each was Rs. 145. The villagers were also mobilised to raise the wage-rates for bamboo-cutting. These too were increased. The Party Divisional Committee gave a bandh call against the false encounter killing of three central committee members and one village youth. In March the SZC gave a call against state repression and the people participated in large numbers. Last year, the commander of Perimili squad, Com. Prabhakar, a native of Jarawada village along with squad member, Com. Meenakka, were killed in an encounter. The people of the area have condemned this incident and demonstrated against police high-handedness.

Regularly, local mass organisation committees or ‘panchs’ elected to resolve disputes, will give judgments on cases. In complicated cases the squad or SAC will get involved to settle the dispute. An LGS (Local Guerrilla Squad), on an average, visits two villages in a day. 40 to 200 people will attend each village meeting. Sometimes village meetings and DAKMS meetings will be held jointly and some times separately. If the village mass organisation committee has become defunct, a new committee will be formed. Only when the village mass organisation committee functions properly, only then will activity proceed normally. Village organisations play a key role in advancing the agrarian revolution. Hence we should give importance to the village mass organisation committee.

The Ahiri squad is the oldest in Gadchiroli, with a deep mass base, and an ability to continuously challenge the enemy. Sons and daughters from this region have taken responsibilities in the remote corners of central India, as far as Balaghat in MP.

In the course of the movement, some comrades dissociated from active political life, and later, when repression peaked, even surrendered to the enemy. But a number of new recruits joined the party and PGFs and are marching forward to advance the struggle to the higher stage of Guerrilla Zone. The government of Maharashtra and officials of the armed forces have been propagating against the party and approaching family members of the squads to pursue the surrender of their sons and daughters. Keeping regular contact with the family members, they alternate between threats and money allurements. Sometimes they print photos of cadres and leaders announcing money rewards for their capture. But none of these efforts have made any major dent to suppress the movement.

On the other hand, the people, the real makers of history, are gaining more and more confidence in the movement and the party. When some members surrendered to the enemy and turned into the foes of revolution, the people got very angry with them. They would abuse them and even stopped talking to the surrendered elements. People are sending regular information to their near and dear ones, who have joined the PGFs, not to surrender to the enemy forces. They appeal to them to fight till their last breath and not to leave the party and PGF. The class consciousness of the Adivasis has grown through the practice of class struggle, which alone teaches a number of lessons through its ups and downs, its ebbs and flows. Thus the Lakshmanrekha has emerged where, on the one hand the enemy is seeking more and more surrenders, while on the other, the people are asserting to continue the war of liberation to the end.

Marripally, Mandra, Arkapally, Bangarampeta .... the list goes on and on. The villages of Kamalapur and Jimmalagatta ranges of Ahiri Tehsil, as also many other ranges, have played an exemplary role in building the Gadchiroli Adivasi peasant movement. The generation which joined the people’s war earlier, inspires the new generation to continue the unfulfilled dreams of our beloved martyrs.

Way back in 1980, a squad of seven crossed the river Godavari and entered Maharashtra to build a Guerrilla Zone. At that time it was a mere hope, together with a need to develop the struggle in the vast forest tracts of Dandakaranya, in support of the North Telangana peasant movement. Here, I will give you live examples of how fathers and mothers are passing on the illuminating torch to their beloved ones — the new generation.

Com. Mangrudada was a long time peasant leader of the DAKMS. He always wanted his children to join the squads. The eldest child, Sita, is around 17 years. He taught Marxism to his daughter and persuaded her to join the squads. She is the youngest female guerrilla in that squad. Recently she went to her village to visit her parents, friends and village people. While returning to the squad, her father explained a number of precautions to be followed as a squad member. She assured her father to follow his teachings and accepted her shortcomings. When she rejoined the squad, she narrated her father’s discussion with the squad members. The consciousness of Mangrudada inspired all members a lot.

Com. Latchanna, a poor peasant, whenever he meets the squad, showers affection on them. His approach is warm and his love touches the soul. As a mass organisation leader he has faced untold hardships due to police repression. He has faced zilla bahiskars, and has been arrested a number of times on false pretexts. But he never complained, and has actively supported the movement. His elder son, Com. Ganganna, joined the PGF way back in 1984 and is now one of the leaders of the guerrilla platoon. Once he summed up his guerrilla life through a Telugu couplet : "Nenu nadachina tirigina ee nelapyna guttalanni naa nadaka savvadiki gulakaralluga marayi" (The hills on this earth which I walked and wandered turned into pebbles with the rythm of my movement). Now his younger brother Com. Sagar has joined the PGF. Latchanna is happy, his two sons are serving the masses, he does not feel they should look-after him alone.

Another example is, from Mandra, where the daughter of DAKMS leader, Com. Dasrudada, joined the squads. The father, who hails from a landless peasant family, never thought of his daughter’s marriage or to send her to the in-law’s house .... but, instead, guides her to the battlefield.

Finally, there is the story of Com. Shekhar, now a squad commander somewhere in Gadchiroli. Hailing from a poor peasant family he left his wife and three children to join the squad. His wife, Com. Sitakka who followed, was killed by the police, while she was resting during an illness. The children, who grew up with the help of the village people, have now started to join the movement. The eldest son is a squad member.

Mao once said, people are the motive force in revolution. Once they understand the political line of the party, they will turn into a motive force. Now, in Gadchiroli a young and energetic new generation is joining the revolutionary forces to overthrow the existing system through a protracted people’s war.

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