A Report From West Bengal
Since the last two
and half centuries, the heroic people of Midnapore have been struggling
against all types of oppression. Way back during the colonial period they fought
against colonialism and later against semi-feudalism and semi colonialism. In
each and every struggle the people are making sacrifices and becoming martyrs.
At the end of the 18th century (1770 to 1790) they launched their first
rebellion against the British rulers known as the first phase of the Chuar
rebellion. The second phase of the rebellion started in 1799 and continued upto
1816, though it got weakened after 1806. The second phase of the Chuar rebellion
was led by Durjan Singh and Rani Shiromani.
When this
anti-colonial struggle faced a set-back, another revolt by the name Nayek
rebellion was initiated and led by Achal Singh. This Nayek rebellion waged
guerrilla war on British troops. The Britishers used cannons and other big
weapons to suppress the movement and at last they succeeded. At the time of the
independence struggle an area in Midnapore district, by name Tamulk, played a
key role against the imperialists. The people of Tamulk liberated the entire
area for some time by waging armed struggle. Again, after 1947, under the
leadership of the undivided communist party, people participated in land
struggles in large numbers. This history of rebellions continued and the
people of Debra and Gopiballabhpur participated in the revolutionary upsurge,
under our Party leadership, during 1967-69 — the historical turning point of the
Indian democratic struggle.
In all these
rebellions the sons and daughters of Garhbeta and Shalbhani participated and
these places turned into focal points of struggle, particularly during the Nayek
rebellion. In this way the people fought for the last 200 years against all
types of oppression. After the setback of Naxalbari there was a period of lull.
At this juncture the CPI(M) made inroads into the various centres of Midnapore
and strengthened their position. The CPI(M) cadres initiated wage and land
struggles in several villages and established unchallenged supremacy for nearly
2½ decades. Through this period the Congress was routed totally from this area
i.e., particularly in the Garhbeta, Chandra Kona, Keshpur, Garhbeta-2 (Goaltore)
blocks. To suppress its opponents the CPI(M) utilised all sorts of methods like
threatening, fines, preventing agricultural works, destroying and looting
property, thrashing and even killing. To implement these methods the CPI(M)
leadership mobilised village people at first voluntarily and later forcefully.
Gruadually a muscle force emerged and they started to control the region. Since
a section of the CPI(M) leadership turned into a neo-rich and upper middle
class, rich sections of Congress and other vested interests in the rural areas
also joined the ruling CPI(M) party, and gradually even partial struggles were
given up.
The CPI(M) also
conducted gram panchayat elections and established its rule through this Gram
panchayat system which saw the further growth of the neo-rich class. All
government departments were filled with CPI(M) cadres.
Garhbeta and
Shalbhani are watered by the Kasai and Sheelavati rivers. Once, way back at the
time of the Chuar and Nayek rebellions, it was a dense forest area. Gradually
the forests were cleared up and the area was transformed into a developed
agricultural belt, particularly for potato cultivation. Irrigation canals were
dug and the major chunk of cultivation is under wells/pump sets. Hence the area
turned prosperous and is one of the biggest centres for potatoes in West Bengal.
Even now a good part of it is under green cover with natural Sal and other
trees. The West Bengal government also contributed its share, under the World
Bank greenery programmes by turning thousands of hectares of land into
Eucalyptus plantations. Through potato cultivation a strong potato syndicate
emerged in Midnapore district, having control on political and financial
matters. It had been backing the CPI(M) initially but is now patronising the
BJP-TMC combine. Midnapore district consists of 35 Assembly segments and 5
Parliamentary constituencies and plays a crucial role in state politics. The
broad masses of the down-trodden generally follow the red flag and are behind
the CPI(M), in spite of their frustration and disenchantment with the CPI(M), as
no other genuine red flag is present. After the outbreak of the clashes with the
BJP and TMC, the people desire leadership of the genuine red flag. Village and
other levels of the CPI(M) leadership fled the villages. So the people were not
in a position to resist the BJP and TMC goondaism on their own. It was in such a
background that PW organisers entered in the Garhbeta villages. At the time of
elections more and more clashes took place and the villages turned into battle
fields. In this situation, news poured into the area of the class struggles in
the battlefields of Andhra, Telangana, Dandakaranya and Bihar. Now they are
resisting the State and advancing the movement to a higher stage. The reports
gave a general confidence on the revolutionary movement led by our Party.
‘Democracy’ of Vajpayee and Mamata’s mask
The RSS entered
roughly 15 years back into the Keshpur belt. It established relations in
villages and tried to rake up Hindu chauvinism. For this the RSS selected
Karkhushima area, where minority people live, and tried to provoke the Dhanchoda
area Hindus in 1989-90 against Muslims. In this area the RSS did not give
importance of its traditional style of functioning to run RSS units, but
secretly mobilised its forces and established relations with a section of lumpen
and rich business people. The RSS tried to utilise the situation for its
communal and fascist agenda under the garb of Hindutva and capitalising on the
growing anti-CPI(M) sentiments among the broad masses. Then gradually the RSS
supplied fire arms and trained its cadre in RSS camps. When the BJP took arms to
counter the CPI(M)’s Alu (potato) Syndicate the other rural elite shifted its
support towards the BJP and TMC combine. A legal set-up was also established
through BJP units at district and block levels to co-ordinate the activities and
secure legal cover for its fascist methods. When the TMC was formed and an
electoral agreement was made with the BJP, from then onwards a joint front was
formed and together these two parties started combined attacks and resistance to
the CPI(M) in the Garhbeta-Chandrakona-Keshpur area. The leadership of this
front emerged from the remnants of the Congress. Apart from this, an anti-CPI(M)
section and a section of the leadership within the CPI(M) were admitted into the
front to fight the CPI(M). Financial support was made available by the Alu
Syndicate and through forcible collection from the masses. The RSS runs
military training camps for armed goons and supplies them arms and ammunition.
Let us examine two armed camps conducted by the BJP and TMC.
Sandipur Camp
In this village
situated in Garhbeta block, the BJP established a camp for its armed gang of 30
to 40 goons, who stay there regularly and attack villages when ever they feel.
This gang leader was Swarup Sarkar who was also the leader of the block and
districts units of the BJYM and BJP. The camp was hosted by the Sandipur
business magnet Swapan Sarkar who is a money lender, has a fertiliser
dealership, provision store and hails from a forward caste. The armed gang uses
a portion of his house and a portion of the nearby school. Lumpen and goons of
this panchayat and from nearby villages, were mobilised and kept in the Sandipur
camp. These goons regularly move with fire-arms and raid villages at random.
People were terrorised by the raids and a majority left their houses or paid a
lumpsum as fines to stay in their own houses. Day and night the gang roams and
terrorises villagers. Near this camp, a police camp exists to protect these
goons.
Ursai Camp
The Ursai village and
Gram panchayat fall under the Keshpur block. The Trinamul Congress maintains an
armed goons camp in this village with 40 members. Villages nearby, like
Marikhbandh, Durgapur, Sampur, Damodarpur, Tara etc., which were once CPI(M)
villages, are now forcefully turned into TMC villages. The villagers are fined 2
to 10 thousand rupees in general and more to pay particular fines. Through these
fines they collect lakhs of rupees and run a goonda terror raj throughout the
block. Krishna Douri and Nimai Maity host the goons in their houses. Both are
upper caste (Sadgopu) landlords. Earlier these two were staunch supporters of
the Congress and later, in the mid-80’s, they joined the CPI(M). Not only do
they shelter the armed goons of the TMC but also lead the gangs in raids on
villages and mobilise the people through threats. These gangs spread terror and
adopt the same tactics as the BJP, such as looting villages, which do not
surrender to them.
Earlier the CPI(M)
also behaved in a similar manner but only it did not keep its goons at one
place. Prior to coming into power in 1977 there were regular battles between the
Congress and CPI(M) for supremacy. According to a statement of the CPI(M) in the
three years period between 1970-72, 640 cadres were murdered by Congress goons.
Such is the power struggle going on in Bengal among the so-called Parliamentary
parties. Now a section of the Congress leadership has changed its name to TMC
and joined with the BJP to oppose the CPI(M). So the history of the last 3-4
decades is a live witness to the brutal crimes committed by these ‘democratic’
parties in their power struggle. But each time, the sufferers are the poor
people. All three parties have engaged in regular battles for supremacy by
terrorising the common people. But all the three claim that the others are
terrorising them. This is the democratic style of functioning of these three
fascist forces. All are man-eaters and drink human blood.
Now let us see how
the goons rampage the villages and kill men and women in massacres. From end ‘97
onwards the CPI(M) leadership surrendered and ran away from the villages of
Garhbeta, Chandrakona, and in ‘99, from Keshpur blocks. Those who did not
surrender shifted from their native areas. The BJP and TMC goonda gangs roam the
villages with fire-arms and improvised explosive devices. These gangs mobilise
their cadre of the total block utilising from 200 to 2000 people, depending on
the nature of the target. When they mobilise a big mob, generally 50%
participate out of fear and 30 to 40% poor people participate at gun point. The
families who fail to pay fines, are made to stand in front of the mob during an
attack on a village. Only 10 to 20% support the BJP and TMC and participate
willingly. In this region these goons have conducted atleast 100 such raids. If
any resist, they are chased and killed or thrown into the flames. The mob will
loot total villages at gun point and carry away the loot in trucks, bullock
carts and on bicycles. After the rampage, only the walls of the houses remain
without doors or even windows. These types of attacks can be made by any of
these three parliamentary parties. Whether it is the left (CPI(M)), or the
communal (BJP), or the ‘fire brand leader’ Mamata’s party, all implement the
same terror attacks. The Police help all three and stand as mere spectators at
the time of the raids. Later too, they do not arrest anyone irrespective of
their party identity. One section of the poor who participate in the raids are
transformed into lumpens.The goons attack women and sometimes commit rapes. This
is the culture developed by the ‘honourable’ fire brand Mamata, Vajpayee and
Jyoti Basu. Since the last two to three years the people have been terrorised.
They want peace as well as a fitting reply to all the three fascist parties.
Resistance began under the "People’s War" leadership.
"People’s War"
started work in Garhbeta from 1998 December onwards. It started to mobilise the
masses to fight against all the three armed bahinis patronised by the state. At
first, for 2 months, PW organisers moved around to make contact with the broad
masses. But it became problematic to survive amidst the two armed gangs, without
fire-arms. So, according to the situation, party organisers first took small
country-made arms. Later they switched over to rifles and shotguns to protect
themselves and people from the ruthless attacks of the fascist bahinis. Soon
after this the squad form of functioning began and revolutionary politics,
particularly that of protracted people’s war, spread amongst the people. They
responded positively and invited the squad to their villages. Discussions
started amongst the masses on counter revolutionary and revolutionary politics.
Where the PW organiser and squad members moved, only in those villages of
Garhbeta did the people understand that it was only through arming the masses,
that resistance to the goons of the BJP, TMC, CPI(M) was possible. In this
process the PW activists took the initiative to mobilise the peasantry on their
demands. At first, the procurement price for potatoes was taken and a mass
campaign was done in the Garhbeta, Goaltore, Shalbheni blocks of Midnapore in
the months of February, March 1999. When the PW initiated this campaign,
immediately the CPI(M), TMC entered on the same issue and called separate public
meetings without any specific demands. This shows their hollowness. Meanwhile
the BKMS (Biplabi Krishak Mazdoor Samiti), a mass organisation of the peasantry
took the initiative to spread awareness among the masses to fight on these
partial demands. When the PW activities started in Garhbeta, the police were on
a constant vigil and informed the fascist bahinis to attack and suppress the PW.
The Police threatened the masses not to cooperate with the naxals, saying that,
if any one supports them blood will flow in the village and the people were
instructed to join any of the three Parliamentary parties. The armed gang of
Sandhipur under the leadership of Swarup Sarkar, began to hunt down the PW squad
and threatened villagers who were willing to help them.
Sitanagar Firing
On the one hand the
BJP started to threaten and attack directly, while on other hand they started to
collect information of PW activities and started to feed the police with
information, regularly. They not merely informed the police, but even
pressurised them to move fast to catch and suppress PW cadres. In this process
the BJP alerted its cadres and mobilised 200 to 300 regularly and waited to
attack the PW squad. On May 13th the BJP got information of the squad and
immediately brought the police. The police came and surrounded the house, where
the squad had taken shelter. Meanwhile the people alerted the squad and they
retreated from the shelter, but the police started to chase the squad. Then
squad opened fire and retreated safely. When the squad retreated the police
batch came to the village and arrested one BKMS activist. But immediately the
people got mobilised, beat up the police and demanded that they release the
arrested person. The police had to bow to the people’s demand and left the
village.
This news reached the
BJP mob who was waiting nearby to attack the village and squad, but they
dispersed with fear. In the entire Garhbeta the CPI(M) leaders almost vacated
the area and the broad masses started to openly support revolutionary politics
and the PW Party. So the BJP goons reacted even more negatively and started to
mobilise more and more arms and cadre. At this juncture the PW activists
attacked the Sandhipur BJP armed camp and tried to catch its main leaders, like
Swarup Sarkar. But the squad could not identify their targets and spoke to
the goons and other leaders, demanding that they stop attacks on villagers
immediately, or face dire consequences. Later the PW Party Area Committee issued
a leaflet exposing Swarup Sarkar’s anti-people activities.
Even then they did
not stop their attacks which actually increased, as the attacks on Nalpa,
Kastaguda and other villages indicated. After the warning given by the PW
activists at the Sandhipur camp, the BJP goons vacated the camp at night
expecting an attack from the PW. They slept at secret places in the nights. At
this juncture, on September 9th, the PW attacked Swarup Sarkar in his house at
Sandhipur and killed him in broad day light. Through this killing the BJP camp
got very nervous. Yet it started retaliatory attacks on the houses of PW cadres
and supporters. At first they attacked the PW’s ACM Com. Asit Sarkar’s house and
tried to molest his wife. But resisting the goons she escaped safely. Soon
after, another gang attacked Ananta Sarkar (brother of AS) a clerk in a local
government school and killed him on the spot. The next day the goons again
attacked with big numbers AS’s house and killed two of his in-laws, Kalipada
Ghosh, Madan Ghosh and tried to kill another nephew Ashok Ghosh, who recovered
in hospital, but lost his two eyes. The killers continued their terror together
with a big police detachment and higher officials and captured a 12-year-old boy
from AS’s house and beat him for two days, and finally killed him as well. From
9-9-’99 to 12-9-’99 the goons looted all the paddy, utensils and even doors of
the houses of AS and other people of the village. After the incident, the
Sandhipur police camp was beefed up with EFR and CRPF jawans but no culprits
(known to all, including the police) were booked. This incident proves how
the BJP-TMC combine acted in a left front raj and the nexus between all these
parties. Ganashakti, the official organ of the CPI(M) WB State
Committee, reported this incident as its first page lead, but no action was
taken against either the culprits nor against the police officials present at
the site of the killings. But the brother of Com. AS, who was in no way
connected to the incident was kept behind bars in a false murder case. After the
incident, large numbers of paramilitary forces were deployed and flagmarched in
Garhbeta villages for 10 days. Almost all families vacated the villages and took
shelter in friends and relatives’ houses. This situation was utilised by the BJP
to indulge in rigging with the help of central forces.
After Swarup’s
annihilation, the BJP goons and leadership fled the villages. The functioning of
the armed gangs has once again changed after the incidents. During the day and
night they move secretly, but continue their attacks on the people and
revolutionaries. At the time of the 13th Lok Sabha elections all the three
increased their armed activity in their respective areas. But the TMC is making
inroads into the CPI(M)’s old bastis easily without any resistance. With their
eyes on the coming Assembly polls, in 2001, all the three are increasing their
goonda bahinis, which are no less a danger than the Ranaveer sena of Bihar or
the Razakars of the erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad.
People’s
Resistance
Around the issue of
procurment price, all the areas of Garhbeta, Goaltore, Shalbani, Chandrakona,
Keshpur, Belphari, Lalghar are fertile grounds for waging class struggle and
advancing it to higher forms. The terrain of this area is also favourable to
resist the goons and state armed forces. The people’s political consciousness is
relatively high when compared to other areas of the district. The villages and
families which were divided by the ruling parties have been won over to the
revolutionary camp. Revolutionaries are trying hard to unite the masses and
villages on the basis of classes and class struggle, to advance the agrarian
movement to a higher level. They are educating and politicising the masses to
come out from their anti-proleterian tendencies and the lumphenisation of the
poor by the ruling classes.
In the 3rd week of
September the West Bengal state police attacked Inda and Raika villages to nab
PW activists and leaders.
Two days prior to the
attack some comrades took shelter in Inda, but later left the village. After
getting information, the police raided the shelter, thinking that underground
comrades were taking shelter in the village. They caught the male persons of the
house which the police suspected to be a hideout of the Naxalites and started to
beat them, imagining them to be Com. AS and Com. Kamal. Villagers told the
police party that the said naxalite team was not in the village. But the police
continued to beat them. Hence, more than one thousand women of the Inda and
Raika villages got mobilised and resisted the police. In the tussle with the
police, one woman chopped off the finger of a policeman to express their anger
against police behaviour. The police begged apology and ran away from the site.
These incidents proved that the people were ready to fight militantly with the
BJP, TMC and CPI(M) goons if a proper leadership and political line, with
guidance was available. They are now expecting this from the CPI (ML) (PW).
Armed activity and
armed formations at a village level, with higher levels of people’s militia are
needed; at the same time armed regular squads need to be also strengthened,
expanded and trained to face the goons of all reactionary forces and the state.
The people need also to be mobilised with great care and need to wage various
types of struggles on various partial demands. Mass organisations need to
function openly and in underground to face the enemy’s onslaught. However, the
movement will demand sacrifices and courage, to fight till the end, which should
not be lacking in the revolutionary camp. From the beginning of the armed
formations, the Party needs to caution its members not to take short cuts and
wage battles with the enemy without the masses. Armed formations of various
sizes, for different purposes needs to be developed, while at the same time, it
would have to be combined with activity that consolidates the masses in mass
organisations.
Some
partial struggles waged by masses
In various centres of
Midnapore district people are organised to wage struggles on their genuine
demands. Land Struggles: The Left Front government will claim that it has
implemented land reforms through operation Barga and distributed land to the
poor and landless peasantry. But the land which was distributed long back was
given mainly to some cadres of the CPI(M) and its leadership. Till now, landless
peasants are in large numbers in rural Bengal. Land concentration is less in
some pockets of West Bengal; yet, the land question is still the main problem.
Particularly where forest and other waste lands exist, people are willing to
occupy those chunks and to cultivate them for their livelihood. The Garhbeta
block of Midnapore district and Raipur-2 block of Bankura district border
villages, the peasantry occupied 75 bighas of land recently. In Takurpara, the
people reoccupied 30 acres of land, which had been cultivated by them for 10
years, but was later occupied by the forest department, who planted cashew-nuts.
The people of these areas are planning to occupy more and more land which are
under the forest department or under semi-government and government farms or in
many other farms.
Jute seed farm
workers struggle
In Durgapur village,
there is a government farm of Jute seeds on 1000 acres of land. This farm was
transformed into the personal property of the CPI(M) leadership. Earlier, a few
thousand workers worked on this farm, but at present 1026 workers were on the
rolls. According to the rules, the work force should be treated as permanent
workers. But the CPI(M) rejected this, and did not give any permanent jobs to
any one. The workers formed a union under the banner of "Durgaband Jute
Mazdoors Krishak Samiti" and approached the High Court. The Court’s verdict
came in favour of the workers; even then the CPI(M) leadership disagreed to make
them permanent apart from a handful belonging to their coterie. Then the workers
decided to fight the CPI(M) under the leadership of the PW Party. The workers
approached the Goaltore PW Party organiser and started reorganisation under
their leadership. At first they gheraoed the CPI(M) leadership, and later, the
farm officials. A struggle is going on for making the workers permanent, and to
seize 600 acres of farm land which has not been cultivated for a long time.
A rally for water
The Shalbani area is
situated between the Kasai and Sheelavati rivers. In some parts, canals from the
Karai were also dug but water is released for only a few days in a year, which
will not fulfil the needs of the peasantry. This year, from April to June,
people faced a severe shortage for water even to drink, let alone for animals
and irrigation. The BKMS took out a campaign of around 40 villages of the
Shalboni block and called for a rally to meet the officials. Around 200 people
were mobilised from 20 villages and blocked the Midnapore-Asansol state highway
for several hours. After getting an assurance from officials to release funds
and make arrangements for water immediately, the BKMS withdrew the blockade.
Other political
rallies
At the time of the
Kargil war, various mass organisations mobilised the masses in Calcutta,
sub-urban and other areas, to counter the BJP, TMC’s provocation and communal
feelings on Pakistan and the Kashmir issues. In Sealdah and Belghoria of
Calcutta city the BJP, TMC attacked the people to disrupt the meeting on the
Kashmir issue. In some other places, meetings were successful. The speakers
spoke on the Kashmir problem and demanded a plebiscite, while condemning both
the governments and Prime Ministers for the Kargil conflict. At the time of the
13th Lok Sabha elections the CPI (ML) [PW] and other revolutionary mass
organisations took a propaganda campaign to boycott the sham elections. The
Boycott campaign took place in parts of Greater Calcutta, Midnapore, Murshidabad,
Nadia and Malda districts. Some villages (around 15) boycotted elections this
time under the Party leadership and in some villages (say around 25-30) the
polling percentage was very low. In Calcutta a joint rally by three parties —
the CPI (ML) [PW], the CPI (ML)(Central Team), the RCC (Maoist) — organised and
mobilised around 2500 people in the rally. At the time of elections the
resistance in Andhra, Telangana, Dandakaranya and Bihar have inspired the people
of the state a lot.
People annihilate a
class enemy in Murshidabad
In Murshidabad,
people have been fighting under the leadership of the Party for a long period.
Landlords, dacoits and Congress leaders have been attacking the Krishak Sangram
Samiti (KSS) activists and suppressing the masses continuously. The Party and
mass organisations are resisting these forces in different ways, including
through annihilation. In the first week of June, one anti-people enemy was
annihilated in Murshidabad and later in another action 4 persons were killed by
the people. Under the Nawada police station, Rajpur is a village where the
landlord-cum-moneylender-cum-Congress leader, Kader Shaik, acted as a cruel
oppressor. On August 17th, the goons of the landlord attacked KSS activists and
beat them seriously. To counter this, people, under the Party leadership,
mobilised and attacked Kader Shaik and killed him. In this process his son and
other two goons were also killed. People of this area were enthused by the
attack and are getting organised more and more to fight with the other enemies
of the people. The police have booked a case on KSS activists and have arrested
Com. Akbar of the KSS.
Arrests in
Mayurbhanj district, Orissa
The border districts
of three states — Bengal, Bihar and Orissa — were selected as a perspective area
to wage and advance the class struggle to higher stage. To achieve this,
revolutionary propaganda and contacting people of this remote backward Adivasi
district Mayurbhanj of Orissa began. At first one centre, Bangriposhi was
started; and later it was expanded to two areas i.e., Badampahar and Gurumoshani.
In the process of our
work, Badampahar and Bangriposhi were merged and the area was called the
Bangriposhi area. Mayurbhanj is a vast district with dense forests, hills and
rivers. Mainly a Santhal population lives in the forests, which is a backward
area without any development programmes of the government. At the end of 1997,
the police began to track down PW activities and by early ’99 a Special Task
Force was formed along with the beefed up police stations of Bangriposhi,
Jharpukuria (Bombay chowk where NH 5 and 6 divides) and Bisoi in this area.
Simlipal is a national reserve forest (Abhayaranyam) where a number of forest
check posts exist. STF forces started combing operations and daily patrols from
June ’99 onwards. To gather information on PW activities and organisers, the STF
depends on touts of the village, special forest staff and bad gentry, who are
opposed to the Party’s entry in this area.
However, since the
last 3-4 months, police vigil and patrols have increased to curb the Party
activities at the initial stage itself. The Bangriposhe organiser, Com. Ajoy,
and member Com. Monica were arrested in Jamtoria village of Simlipal forests on
1-8-’99. The STF of the Orissa police raided the house at midnight where
comrades were taking shelter. The people of this area have already started to
participate in partial struggles under the Party leadership. The arrest of the
organiser hampered the local work to some extent. Later, to increase the
suppression, the Orissa police arrested Kachiabeda village mass organisation
activists who had initiated a wage hike struggle in a stone crusher. The daily
wage was very low in the crushing work, where the worker gets only Rs.22 per
day. After this, the owner of the crusher started to suppress the workers and
informed the police regularly regarding the leadership. So, he was threatened by
the workers to stop all his activities. In turn, the police arrested 5 youths
including a woman activist. The Kachiabeda villagers approached the Bangriposhi
PS officials and demanded the unconditional release of the village youth, which
the police had to accept. In the mean while, police started regular patrols in
Kachiabeda and nearby villages to keep a vigil on mass activities. The people
opposed the patrols and harassment of the police.
Meanwhile, Dara
Singh, a VHP activist and leader of Mayurbhanj area, started to kill minority
Christians and Muslims which has been covered in the media in detail since the
last one year. In the name of nabbing Dara Singh the police strengthened the
patrol parties and increased harassment of the general people of this affected
area. In the remote rural villages also some tension developed and people began
to suspect new people as Dara Singh’s men. The media and police contributed a
lot to confuse people and create a fear complex about Dara Singh. In this
context a 11 member team (9 PRs and 2 sympathisers) were caught by the police in
Jarka village of Jharpukuria police station. A Party Area Committee meeting had
been arranged on 15th September at a sympathiser’s house in Jarka. Some touts of
the village reported to the police station that some unknown people were
assembled in the village. At midnight the police raided the house and arrested 8
comrades who slept in the hall, and to arrest another 3 who slept inside, extra
reinforcements were rushed from Bangriposhi, Bisoi and Baripada. In the exchange
of fire 3 comrades were critically injured. Three rifles of .315 bore and 3
tapanchas (shot guns) were recovered by the police. The injured were shifted to
Baripada and then to Cuttack. A debate started in the village on PW’s Red flag
and BJP’s Saffron activities and people are openly owning the Red flag and are
determined to get organised under the Party leadership notwithstanding the
arrests. They are eagerly awaiting the release of the arrested comrades and are
prepared to organise themselves under Party directions.
A Report from
Singhbhum, Bihar
Singhbhum district of
Bihar is also part of the BBO perspective area. Ever since1996, PW activists
have been trying to penetrate into the heart of this Jharkhand area which has a
glorious history of people’s movements. Dumuria, Patka areas were selected to
propagate agrarian politics. Earlier, way back in the 1970’s, under our party
leadership, the BBO Regional Committee took the responsibility to organise the
people in East and West Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj districts, as they are
contiguous areas of the then historical struggle of Debra and particularly
Gopiballbhpur. Again the CPI (ML) (PW) started work after a gap of 26 years.
In-between, none others entered this strategic area, that links the three
important states of east India.
An Adivasi peasant
mass organisation by name Neerai Gamta was started in 1997 and some partial
struggles were led under the mass organisation’s leadership in Dumuria block. In
1998 some wage struggles were again initiated in this area. From ’97 onwards the
so-called Jharkhandi parties’ leaders and police have been threatening the
people and demanding that they do not cooperate with the naxals. Regular press
releases were issued by different Jharkhand parties’ district leaderships to
isolate Neerai Gamta in the rural areas. Ghatasila, Tatanagar (Jamshedpur) and
other centres, were places from which police officials and Parliamentary leaders
would collect regular reports and issue threats to villagers. Block and Tahasil
officials also played their role to terrorise the people, when the latter
initiated some demands, like issuing proper quotas from PDSs and government
stipulated minimum wages. But the officials threatened the villagers for daring
to make demands of the Babus. Being at a very preliminary stage of the movement,
the people had feared a lot. Kendua is a remote village, where a Mahato
(non-tribal) moneylender, contractor, PDS distributor and landlord has been
harassing the people since the last 15 years. He occupied even non tribal lands,
let alone those of lands of the Santhals. The local people waged numerous
quarrels with the landlord and attempted to kill him twice but failed. With the
help of the police he always suppressed all voices of revolt. Finally the
villagers got organised under the leadership of the Party.
Seeing this
development, landlords again took the help of the police and arrested local
leaders of the Neerai Gamta and two other village sympathisers. Later, the
police started regular harassment in the villages. In this context, people
decided to punish Kailash Mahato. This decision was executed by a special batch
on July 5th 1999. In this area, where minority people live, a local armed squad
(LAS) has been functioning to organise the people.
Earlier, two to three
members of the PW Party moved together in plain clothes making contacts from
village to village. When threats started from the police and Jharkhandies they
moved with countrymade weapons and later shifted to a 5 member squad with rifles
and SBLs. Soon, the number increased further.
Way back in the 80s,
people of Singhbhum East and West played a militant role in the Jharkhand
movement. Ghatasila, Tatanagar, Sarsona and other places were the focal points
in this area. The leadership at the top betrayed the struggle, but the cadres
and people spilled their blood for the cause of Jharkhand. Santhals, in general,
are a militant tribe and have participated in rebellions since the past two
centuries. Till now Kanu, Siddhu have been inspiring rebel leaders of the entire
Santhal Community. At the time of the Jharkhand movement, the state government
imposed cruel repression on thousands of young Jharkhandis. A number of new
police stations were kept in the forest areas and even remote villages were
terrorised for years together. Hence people have not yet overcome their fear
complex of the repression, because there has been no continuation in the
struggle. But the armed formations and politics of protracted people’s war
inspired them to wage a protracted war from the vast jungles of the Jharkhand.
The Oppressive
Tactics of the Government
During the last 3
years in Bengal, to fight against one armed fascist force, another armed fascist
force has emerged. These two forces are practising the same methods that were
practised in the Middle Ages. Even though all these parties always talk about
Parliamentary Democracy, utilising armed gangs to capture votes is the norm. Now
these three parties are trying to organise permanent armed gangs to establish
‘Zones of Authority’ in Bengal. Though the ruling CPI(M) has been forced into a
defensive position temporarily in some areas, it will restart its attacks. The
BJP-TMC combine, which is growing at an astonishing pace, getting arms and
training from the RSS, is exercising its authority through the lumpenisation of
one section of the poor. At this stage, the central and state governments are
trying vigorously to help the BJP-TMC-CPI(M) trio eliminate People’s War which
is backing the people by forming armed squads. After the Parliamentary
elections, this Fascist trio organised secret meetings at the state and district
levels to eliminate People’s War. At the same time the CPI(M) is still
trying to deceive people by waving the Red flag. Out of the paramilitary forces
that were sent to Midnapore, the CRPF is retreating by phases but the EFR is
still there.
Besides, on 10th
October the SPs and higher officials of Midnapore, Bankura, Purulia of Bengal;
Mayurbhanj of Orissa and Singhbhum of Bihar met in Raniband of Bankura district
and planned the tactics to suppress the movement. They came to an agreement to
organise regular meetings, joint attacks, achieve co-operation and information
co-ordination to suppress the movement that is growing in these 5 districts of
the three adjacent states. In addition, the central government is trying to
co-ordinate Bihar with A.P., M.P. Maharashtra and Orissa; at the lower level,
administrative units have been set up to implement the tactics of the central
government to suppress the movement. The revolutionary movement should utilise
the necesssary tactics and alternative forms to retaliate against their methods.
In view of the growing people’s resistance against the atrocities that the
Fascist trio have been implementing in the garb of Parliamentary democracy, the
state has also entered the fray, in addition to the machinery of these fascist
parties. The main task of the movement in these circumstances is to make
extensive contacts and establish the party deep amongst the people to hit back
these combined fascist attacks. The movement needs to concentrate and organise
the poor people into the revolutionary movement and imbue them with
revolutionary politics. It needs to adopt every method to protect the lives and
property of the people from the armed gangs and their leaders and unmask the
real face of these parliamentary parties among the people. Arming the people and
mobilising them into class struggles in a big way needs to be the main task of
the revolutionaries.
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