This commentary was written on the works compiled by Chen Boda2 in A Few Passages of Sayings of Engels, Lenin, and Chairman Mao Regarding Genius and Directives of Vice Chairman Lin. The title “A few Opinions of Mine” was added by Mao Zedong when reviewing the proofs.
This material is compiled by Comrade Chen Boda. It has deceived not a few comrades.
There are no words from Marx.
There is only one line from Engels,3 and The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte is not a major work by Marx.
I have only found five quotes from Lenin.4 Of these, the fifth states that leaders must be tried and tested, professionally trained, schooled by long experience, and work in perfect harmony5—these four conditions are brought up.
Not even speaking of others, from the perspective of us on the Central Committee, those who adequately meet these criteria are few. For example, Chen Boda—this ingenious theorist and I have worked together for 30 years, and there have been several important matters on which we have never been in accord. Even less can it be said that we have worked very well together. As an example, in the course of the three Lushan Conferences,6 in the first one, he ran over to where Peng Dehuai was.7 The second time, upon discussing the 70 items of industrialization,8 according to his own words, he went up the mountain for a few days and then went down the mountain, and didn’t know for what reason he went down the mountain, or where it was he ran off to after going down. This time [the second plenary of the ninth Party Congress, held at Lushan from August 23 to September 6, 1970**]**, he was quite easy to work with, deploying a surprise attack, showing a tendency for fanning the flames, hoping for disorder under heavens, the detonation of Lushan Mountain, and the stopping of the earth’s rotation. These words of mine do not describe the vast mind of our ingenious theorist (what sort of mind this is I do not know, it’s probably one with a conscience, and not one of ambition). As for whether there will be chaos in the world of the proletariat, the detonation of Lushan Mountain, and the stopping of the earth’s rotation, I think probably not. A historical figure who climbed Lushan Mountain remarked:9 A man of the Qi Nation has no affairs, [spare] worry about the collapse of heaven. We should not follow the example of that man of Qi. Lastly about my remarks,10 certainly there is not much that can help him. What I was saying was that the primary thing doesn’t come from people’s genius but through people’s social practice.11 I exchanged opinions with Comrade Lin Biao,12 The two of us both felt the same way about that unceasing debate among historians and philosophers that is commonly spoken of, if history is created by heroes, or if history is created by slaves, whether people’s knowledge (talent can also be categorized as the accumulation of knowledge) is innate,13 or if it nourished,14 whether [we accept] idealist apriorism or the reflection theory of materialism, we can only but stand on the side of Marxism-Leninism, and absolutely must not stand together on the side of Chen Boda’s rumors and sophistry. At the same time, the two of us believe, this question of Marxist epistemology must be researched more by ourselves, and truly don’t believe that the matter has been researched to a conclusion. I hope comrades will all adopt this sort of attitude, unite to win still greater victories, and not be duped by those who superficially claim an understanding of Marxism, while in reality completely misunderstanding Marxism.
Translation, July, 2021. For comments, questions, suggestions, or criticisms, contact us at Wengetranslators@protonmail.com. ↩︎
Chen Boda at the time served on the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. In 1970, after the Second Plenary of the Ninth Central Committee of the Party, a resolution passed for Chen to be isolated and put under investigation. In August, 1973 at the first plenary of the Tenth Central Committee of the Party, a resolution passed to revoke Chen Boda’s party membership, and to absolve him of all tasks inside and outside the party. ↩︎
This refers to the sentence in the preface written by Engels for the Third German Edition of Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte which states, “It was in truth a work of genius.” ↩︎
These five lines compiled by Chen Boda are listed in Appendix A. ↩︎
The statement by Lenin is “Political thinking is sufficiently developed among the Germans, and they have accumulated sufficient political experience to understand that without the ‘dozen’ tried and talented leaders (and talented men are not born by the hundreds), professionally trained, schooled by long experience, and working in perfect harmony, no class in modern society can wage a determined struggle,” https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/iv.ht
↩︎«талантливых (а таланты не рождаются сотнями), испытанных, профессионально подготовленных и долгой школой обученных вождей, превосходно спевшихся друг с другом»
The three Lushan Conferences refer to (1)—the Enlarged Conference of the Politburo and the Eighth plenary session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held sequentially from July 2 to August 16, 1959; (2)—A Working Conference Convened by The Central Committee of the Communist Party from August 23 to September 16, 1961; (3) the Second Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee of the Communist Party held from August 23 to September 6, 1970. ↩︎
Peng Dehuai, formerly a member of the Politburo and a Vice Chair of the CPC’s Central Military Commission, Vice Premier of the State Council, as well as Minister of Defense. In August, 1959 at the Eight Plenary of the Eighth Committee of the Communist Party held at Lushan, Peng Dehuai was labeled as the leading member of an anti-party clique, also consisting of Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian, and Zhou Xiaodan. Peng Dehuai had led an attack against Mao and the party center at the Lushan Conference, advocating reversion of agricultural land to family control, and to have families take full responsibility for profits or losses, promoting a full retreat from the entire objective of the collectivization of agriculture that had advanced from mutual aid teams in the early 50s. Peng Dehuai also promoted a normalization of the then highly strained relations with the Soviet Union. At the same time, another reactionary camp revolved around Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi and associates such as Chen Yun, and Wu Zhipu which advocated that “profit be put in command.” When the trend of commune formation accelerated during this time, the Liu and Deng group tried to used the communalization trend as a pretext to demand adherence to commandist policies geared towards the accumulation of agricultural grain for profit, a policy “left in form, right in essence.” Because the party center was mobilized to deal with Peng’s attack first (Peng supported by Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Xiaodan and others) Liu and Deng had space to maneuver, contributing to the suffering and famine during this period.
On Peng’s alignment to Soviet aims, see Maurice Meisner’s Mao’s China and After, The Free Press, 1999, 266: “The prelude to the drama enacted at Lushan began when Peng, in his capacity as Minister of Defense, led a Chinese military delegation on a visit to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the spring of 1959. During the course of his travels, Peng expressed to Khrushchev and other foreign Communist leaders his displeasure (which coincided with Soviet displeasure) over the policies of the Great Leap and the leadership of Mao. In Peng’s view, a view shared by other military leaders, China’s domestic socioeconomic policies were intimately related to its military policies and its relations with the Soviet Union. China’s military security required a rational plan of economic development (to modernize the professional army that Peng headed) as well as the sophisticated weapons and the nuclear shield provided by the Soviet Union. The Great Leap Forward campaign threatened both, for it was undermining industrial and technological development within China [according to Peng Dehuai that is, though in actuality this long-term effort to promote self-reliance in industry and technology was essential to such development—translators] and undermining the Sino-Soviet alliance. And even more directly threatening to the professional army was Maoist talk about reviving the popular militia.” ↩︎
The “Regulations on Work in Industrial National Enterprises” (Draft), which included 70 regulations in total and was referred to as the “70 Regulations on Industry” for short. ↩︎
Tang Dynasty poet Li Bai. ↩︎
In Mao Zedong’s notes, there was the additional bracketed sentence “Chen Boda quotes as many as seven or eight lines from Lin Biao, as if he had found his treasure.” The eight lines are listed in Appendix B to this translation. ↩︎
Refers to the paragraph excerpted by Chen Boda from Mao Zedong’s “On Practice:” “Leaving aside their genius, the reason why Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin could work out their theories was mainly that they personally took part in the practice of the class struggle and the scientific experimentation of their time,” https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_16.htm. ↩︎
Lin Biao at the time served as the vice chairman of the Central Committee, and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission. ↩︎
I.e. a priori. For an example of this term, see Engels criticizing Dühring: “This is only giving a new twist to the old favorite ideological method, also known as the a priori method, which consists in ascertaining the properties of an object, by logical deduction from the concept of the object, instead of from the object itself. First the concept of the object is fabricated from the object; then the spit is turned around, and the object is measured by its reflection, the concept. The object is then to conform to the concept, not the concept to the object.” —Engels, Anti-Dühring (1878), MECW 25:89. ↩︎
I.e. a posteriori. ↩︎