"Correctness or incorrectness of ideological and political line decides everything". This well-known dictum is scientific, so it is true. But if this dictum is understood mechanically and metaphysically, neither a correct ideology can develop there, nor can it be implemented in real practice. If the correct organizational principle, structure and style of functioning to implement correct ideology into practice does not develop then the result anticipated by ideology is not possible to achieve. The ideology itself and the methodology to use it and assertions are necessary to be developmental and dynamic in the comprehensive endless course of constant motion. But in real practice, the human awareness generally lags behind compared to the development of an object. Different kinds of subjective deviations emerge from this contradiction between the matter and consciousness. A great revolution brought about by the universal principle of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is in essence to provide a methodology of resolving the contradiction between matter and consciousness. The thinking and practitioner itself who makes use of this science synthesized in the form of dialectical and historical materialism should necessarily be dynamic, creative and scientist.

 The process of implementing this universal theory of MLM in the particularity of Nepal gave rise to these achievements of six years of People's War. This great course of transforming the Nepalese society has cast extensive and far-reaching influence in all the fundamental domains of social life. According to the dialectical law of development, this advance of revolution is obviously and necessarily developing a powerful counter-revolutionary thinking and force. The real key to the victory of revolution for the revolutionaries is hidden in correctly grasping this dialectical motion of development and preparing oneself ideologically, organizationally and culturally to resolve new contradictions.

 In this context, the most important question is to resolve the ideological problem developed by People's War. What is necessary to grasp deeply is that the People's War that has developed by creating unique records of dedication and sacrifice, and participation and devotion of hundreds of thousands of masses went on proving our yesterday's thinking, style of functioning and conduct inadequate and narrow. The great ideas and practices developed from the storm of class struggle (which are in rudimentary form) left behind the yesterday's ideas and conducts of the leaders themselves. A new situation, in which the movement could no longer advance in obvious pace, developed if the leadership rank did not provide qualitative merit to the process of changing oneself by synthesizing the new ideas developing through war. Following a long and serious effort of ideological debate-interaction to resolve this objective contradiction the historic 'second Conference' of the Party resolved, in the present relativity, the problem of ideology after ideological synthesis. It conferred to a new self-confidence and new energy in the entire Party ranks, fighters and the masses. The power of ideology transformed into material strength and it destroyed several pillars of the old state power. It also raised the process of building a new Nepal up qualitatively to a new height.

 Along with great achievements acquired from the preliminary application of new ideology, some serious organizational and cultural problems also have come up in between this time. If the organizational and cultural problems could not be resolved in time, then these problems developing into non-proletarian serious ideological ones will ultimately help the counterrevolutionary force. Theoretically, our concrete problem at this time lies in not grasping the significance of new ideas synthesized by the 'second National Conference' and not changing one's organizational and cultural conducts according to the essence of new ideas. In other word it can be understood as a problem of contradiction between new ideology and old organization and culture. New idea always demands a new organization. If the revolutionaries fail to meet that demand in time, the old organization eats up the new ideas. And finally, the old idea holds sway. Therefore, if the serious theoretical significance of the organizational problem is minimized how much negative result it brings about becomes clear from this.

 Now two tendencies are confronting consciously or unconsciously in the Party and the movement. Positive or revolutionary tendency is trying to change oneself according to the demands of new idea, whereas the negative or the opportunist tendency is trying to forge ideas according to one's interest. The question: organization and culture according to ideology or ideology according to organization and culture, has become an important question in the movement at the present time. Definitely, revolutionaries' effort should be to struggle for transformation of organization and culture according to the new idea. If the ideological rectification is not linked up with the organizational and cultural rectification then the emergence of contradiction is inevitable. Now, revolutionaries should centralize their attention to the organizational and cultural rectification.

 To advance from simple process to the complex one, is a general law of development of the matter and consciousness. Organizational structure and activity in the period of historic initiation of People's War was tiny, simple and limited. Now it has become big, bulky, complex and extensive. Organizations, which were not in existence before, are now in active and effective existence. Today, an organization of People's Liberation Army has developed in the form of a main, complex and sensitive structure. People's committees are developing as the structure of power in different levels including at the center. Different oppressed national, regional and dalit fronts have developed as an inevitable structure of struggle for nationalism and democracy. Development of different mass organizations from both the viewpoints of quantity and quality is broadening. The place of a few dozens of full-timer cadres of the past has now taken up by the development of thousands of cadres. The account of a few thousands rupees of the past has now gone to tens of millions. This situation of development itself expresses the complexity. From this positive state of the development different challenges that were unseen or could not appear in the past have come up now. Of those challenges, revolutionaries should specially centralize attention to the following.

 The challenge of developing a scientific methodology to define and handle the mutual relation between Party, army and the state is a serious one. This challenge is not serious only in the sense of positive challenge developed by the People's War in Nepal rather it has become serious also in the sense of getting rid of the negative experiences of counterrevolution that were acquired in the struggle for power in the international communist movement. The question, which we are talking about, is the development of Party, army and the power in the 21st century, it means it is a problem of creative development of Marxism itself by synthesizing positive and negative experiences of the past revolutions. Identifying the experiences from Paris Commune in France to 'Great Cultural Proletarian Revolution' in China and the specificity of contemporary world situation it is necessary on our part to develop relation of Party, army and the state, their structures and new methodology to handle them. This problem, due to the necessity of fundamental development of the national and the regional autonomy, has become more acute in the particularity of Nepal. However, a vital task of facing historical challenges, to establish under the leadership of the proletariat a strong contingent of new international army with Nepalese specificity in 21st century and a new people's power as a new base area of world revolution, is before us. In order to face successfully this great and complex task it is necessary for the whole Party to emphasize on the question of raising oneself to that height.

 The challenge of developing and integrating the organizational structure of Party, army and the state and relation with broad masses is another important challenge prevailing before the revolutionary movement. There can be no other purpose of a political Party of the proletariat and of any organizational structures under it than to equipping the broad masses with the right of exercising power and serving them. Despite being clear in the general theoretical sense, what the experience has proved is that only the theoretical clarity and purity in intention is not sufficient to make working masses the master of social and political life. For this, along with continuous revolution and ideological struggle it should be emphasized on creating such an objective circumstance of organizational structure that can retain all the organs of political power under the supervision and control of broad masses so that the selfish and the opportunist elements cannot raise their heads up. There is an imminent necessity of putting emphasis on to make organizational structures dynamic by centralizing on the question of ensuring constant leadership of the proletarian revolutionaries. In the history, along with the process of victory in struggle for power there are bitter experiences of non-proletarian tendencies that weaken the relation of officials of different level of Party, army and the state with the broad masses, develop new bureaucratic bourgeois class from within the new power, develop bourgeois, individualist ego and arrogance of thinking oneself a master and above the masses and impose bureaucratic order and excess over them. With the development of our six-years of People's War embryos of such kinds of problems have been observed hither and thither. That is why, the revolutionaries along with constant struggle for ideological and cultural transformation should necessarily emphasize on to build up objective circumstance of organizational structure that keeps oneself under the control of the masses.

 With the development of revolution, a challenge that the question of material proletarization, which is going to be an idealist proposition only as a general catchword and in real practice the life and daily routine of Party leaders and cadres is becoming several times more stylish and well-off above the material situation of the masses, is a dreadful challenge prevailing before us. It becomes deadly if the means, resource and media and upper class presentation, which are used in certain situations because of the compulsion created by the necessity of life and death war against the enemy, are generalized. It has been urgent to drive ahead mercilessly the proletarian rectification campaign of the Party in order that the preliminary financial anarchism, which has started to appear, must not take a gigantic shape in the form of corruption tomorrow. All the revolutionaries must focus attention to the development of specific ideological debate and organizational structure to ensure proletarian conduct in all the aspects, including clothing & fooding, transportation, family maintenance and education. It is not only to prevent the material way of life of the leaders and cadres to go beyond that of the general masses, it must be to emphasize totally to proletarize personally. Not with the purpose of serving people through devotion, dedication and sacrifice, but, if competitive process of becoming full-timer in Party or acquiring leadership takes place to make use of material means and source, then our great and glorious Party will become a revisionist crowd of individual selfish people like UML. The rise in standard of life of cadres including those, who were devoted to serving people with severe hardship and frugality, does not indicate good situation. In addition to ideological and organizational rectification, to resolve this the system of money collection and expenditure management must be made strict. In order to develop the proletarian norm of dedicating completely to the service of working masses against the bourgeois norm of material incentive it has already become essential to develop a minimum necessary system.

 Tendencies of factional narrowness and splittist anarchism have emerged in this or that form in the Party even after the relentless dissection by the historical 'second National Conference'. These types of tendencies, instead of emphasizing to healthily conduct the inner-Party struggle according to the organizational principle of democratic centralism by grasping the historical spirit of ideological synthesis, make effort to continue the revisionist legacy of maintaining 'group discipline' in the Nepalese communist movement. Specificity of such tendencies has been to violate Party discipline and secrecy over one's disagreement. This type of factionalism cannot grasp the sensitivity that brings about a serious result by the violation of a little of secrecy and discipline in a Party like ours which is engaged in life and death war against the enemy. In the present situation when the enemy is spreading network of spies everywhere we specially need a proletarian iron discipline. As a basic condition to give rise to such an iron discipline, the ideological synthesis of the Party has emphasized to exercise full democracy in a systematic manner. But the factional and splittist tendency, instead of exercising full democracy putting forward open and clear ideas according to the scientific understanding of democratic centralism and following up faithfully to implement it after certain decision is taken, behaves exactly opposite to it. Instead of making correct ideas the criteria of closeness and distance with anybody, this tendency makes criteria of familiarity to persons or certain individual interest. The Party must emphasize to fully discourage such tendencies through organizational rectification campaign. Each Party member must struggle against oneself to make the principle of 'three dos and three don'ts' developed by Mao as a philosophy of life.

 The task of leading a great social revolution is very responsible one. Development of both the abilities of 'red and expert' is inevitable. Red and expert are not an obstruction to each other, but just the opposite, and they must be complementary to one another. A scientific truth that ignorance has never served the people in history, must be grasped deeply. There has been  a lag in classical theoretical study in Party since some years. Without being acquainted with the experience of history and the height of knowledge acquired by the human being no one can lead a great social revolution and stop the force of counter-revolution. 'Red' does never mean a reckless and 'expert' never means a bourgeois intellect. In real sense, a 'red' that cannot understand the laws of class struggle and handle them is not the 'red', and an 'expert' who does not integrate his knowledge and capacity with practice is not the 'expert'. Therefore the dialectical relation between 'red' and 'expert' cannot be separated from each other. In order to develop a huge chain of red and expert leaders and cadres in real sense the Party must take constant initiative with a distinct organizational structure.
 It is not possible to make reach the movement attain success without making vision of the leaders and cadres extensive and wide, in our Party, which is leading revolution in the present challenging situation of the 21st century. But, because of the fragmented production relation of very backward semi- feudal and semi-colonial condition of the Nepalese society the petty- bourgeois narrowness has become its longstanding cultural particularity. The class root of narrowness and anarchism in the Party is linked up with this backward production relation of the Nepalese society. The petty-bourgeois cannot grasp the scientific significance of proletarian collectivity. Petty-bourgeois does not have any particular concern with other outside world than to own small piece of land, own small shop, own small service and own small family. As the reflection of it, a wrong thinking that conceives one's own small group, own small region, area or department, own small paper and own personal post and prestige as everything. We must carry on arduous struggles against such types of petty-bourgeois tendencies with appropriate organizational structures.

 The Party is concretely implementing the decisions of conducting extensive organizational rectification in order to resolve the aforesaid theoretical and methodological problems related with organization. In the context of implementing this decision, big structural changes are required according to the necessity of development of class struggle. For this, in order to build up a new Party, it is necessary on the part of entire revolutionaries to contribute actively according to the necessity of revolution by being ruthless to oneself not only from ideological viewpoint but also from the viewpoint of organization. Only the continuously proletarized Party will be able to successfully face challenges of all kinds.

(February 2002 )