Volume 7, No. 1, January. 2006

It was November 2. The year was 1980. A full 25 years back. The young 18-year old Peddi Shankar was shot dead by the Maharashtra police. He was the first martyr of the revolutionary movement in Dandakaranya. The son of a coal mine worker from just across the border, he had come barely a few months back to this southern tip of Maharashtra, along with a team of four others, to spread the Karimnagar/Adilabad Revolutionary movement to one of the most backward regions of the world — the Gadchirolli part of what is now called Dandakarnya (DK). So, also another team crossed over from Warangal into the other part of DK in Bastar — then part of the state of Madhya Pradesh (now Chhathisgarh). In this way seven small guerrilla squads entered DK. In these 25 years from a handful of dedicated comrades, mostly from rural student background, the movement has grown to encompassing lakhs of people. It is an epic saga of heroic courage, selfless sacrifice, unflinching commitment to the cause of the people, and a will-power to sustain in the face of the worst odds. In these 25 years over 300 comrades have been martyred from top leaders, to women activists, to simple cadres, to mass organisation leaders and even ordinary village folk.

The Bastar part was even more backward with no education, no modern medicine, no proper knowledge of agriculture…. It was as if still in the middle ages where witchcraft, superstition and even human sacrifice were the norm. Primitive agriculture gave little and their lives could only be sustained by selling forest produce, hunting, and wage labour. The poverty then was such that they barely wore anything on their bodies. 180 years of British ‘modernising’ rule and another three decades of so-called freedom had passed-by this huge population of Gonds of Central India. The British and Indian rulers were merely interested in looting the mineral and forest wealth of the region. Even in this excruciating poverty they were robbed and cheated in every possible way — by the officials, by the contractors, by the traders, by the forest and police officials, and even by their ‘mukhiyas’, sarpanches and priests. In addition to this there was extreme sexual exploitation of the women and girls whose innocence was brutally violated. For the tendu patta leaves they gathered they were hardly paid a pittance, for the bamboo they cut for the paper company it was the same story. For forest produce sold in the village market they were systametically cheated. Over and above all this the forest officials would not allow agriculture in forest land and prevent them for even cutting fire-wood. They would be robbed of their chicken, goats and other produce by all and sundry for supposed favours. They were humiliated and harassed at every turn and lived a life of semi-starvation with no development whatsoever — whether economic, political, educational, cultural, social, etc.

And it is into this world that the Naxalites descended. Before they could even take a step forward the officials and Mukhiayas had widely propagated that these are robbers, child-lifters, and dangerous bandits. When they came to a village in the initial phases people would all either lock their doors or flee to the jungles. The Maharashtra and MP police were already on the prowl combing the forests even before they could get a base amongst the people.

They came with kit bags on their back, a few shot-guns for self-defence, and three main slogans of "Land to the tiller", "Full rights of the Adivasis over the forests", and "democracy and development for all Oppressed". They began by taking up the Tendu leaf picking rate and bamboo cutting rate and won big victories. They soon gained the confidence of the tribals which got further cemented when they began beating back the terror of the forest and police officials. They began building the mass organisations in the villages — first the peasant organisation, then the women’s organisation and even the children’s organisation. Revolutionary songs were written in the Gondi language and literary classes were set up amongst all those entering the squads. The squads administered simple medical treatment and even trained local youth in basic medicine. The women’s organisation fought horrifying patriarchal practices and educated women against superstitious practices. And all this developed amidst systematic increase in police terror.

First it was the local police forces. Then to them were added the state special police. Then came the para military forces. In Gadchirolli even the military’s Border Road Organisation was brought in so that roads could be built to the interior villages. Mass arrests and foisting hosts of false cases, torture, incarceration in jails for long periods, killing in fake encounters, destruction of houses of activists, disappearances, gang rapes of women activists, and mass destruction and loot of properties — all this became common to stem the tide of the rising assertion of the tribals of the region.

Yet the Maoist influence spread as the people saw that it was they alone who stood by them and even gave their lives for them. By 1995 the mass organisations in the DK had swelled to a membership of 60,000; today it is over one-and-a-half lakhs. First the village organisations defended themselves with lathis; then they formed Gram Raksha Dals (Village Defence Squads) with country weapons; now they are organised into militias on a mass scale with a minimum of military training. Together with the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army the people have been fighting back the government attacks. An entire new generation has grown up now and they cannot even think of going back to the horrors of the past life of servitude and starvation.

The main fruits of the two-and-a-half decades of struggle are to be seen in an entire populace having gained enormous self-confidence, self-respect and the ability to determine their own destiny. The oppressors of all types have been banished from the region, their ruthless exploitation is now minimum, they have rudimentary health-care and education, their standard of living has improved and they are taking to more scientific methods of agriculture. They are also learning to administer the region themselves by the setting up the rudimentary organs of political power. And to the defend the fruits of these victories the peoples armed forces have grown, from small squads of 5 to 6 to platoon size and even a few of company size equipped with modern weapons snatched from the enemy.

What has taken place in DK is earth-shaking where every aspect of the people’s lives have been transformed. The wretched of the earth have grown to be masters of their destiny. Whether it is sitting with slates and chalk learning the alphabet; or it is their efforts to pick up medical cures for the basic ailments; or whether it is their efforts to grasp current events and Marxism; or whether it is their growing knowledge of science and coming out of the muck of superstitions; or whether it is their dedication to learn warfare and the use of the gun; or whether it is even in their entertainment where their tribal song and dance have been put to revolutionary themes; or whether it is in their new relationships based on democratic values — here, a new society is taking birth.

It is this that the rulers are terrified about and so the venom in the latest Salwa Judum state offensive. Already hundred killed, 30 women gang-raped and 50 villages burnt down. These butchers cannot bare the thought of people freeing themselves from centuries of bondage. The massacres and rapes may be the handiwork of local goons and the police but the responsibility lies at the very top of the establishment. Big business wants their huge investments in mining to bear fruit; and the imperialists and the compradors are panic stricken that if Maoism gains further roots in the people of the country their dream of making even more fortunes will end. So, they have resorted to a scorched-earth policy of burn-all, loot-all, kill-all!!!

But justice will prevail and Maoists, no doubt learning from earlier mistakes in the world revolutionary moment, will advance forward to build a paradise on earth. On this silver jubilee year we introduce these historic changes to the people of our country.

In those days people were living a primitive existence mostly off forest produce. The people had no rights over the forests as various forest acts arbitrarily made them trespassers in their own habitat. To take anything from the forests they would have to face the exploitation and oppression of the officials. There would not be a single family who would not have paid some ‘fine’ (bribe) to the forest department and the local village elders. Besides this, they would be arrested and treated as thieves for plucking even a leaf from the forest. Traders and moneylenders would buy the forest produce like wood, Mahua, Jhadu, honey etc at very low rates thereby making fortunes through re-sales. In addition the tendu-patta contractors and the paper mill owners would not only give very low wage rates they also sexually exploited the women.

The local village chiefs are the sarpanch, patwari, etc were hand-in-glove with these officials to rob the people. The political leaders, making Adivasis their vote banks, were also part of this mafia. The local feudal rajas like Vishweshwaar Atram of Gadchiroli and Bodda Manjhi (Mahendra Karma’s — the chief architect of the Salwa Judum —father) used age-old tradition to keep the Adivasis in a state of backwardness and as vote-banks to build their political careers. As feudal chiefs they would intervene in all disputes and extract money and material from all.

There was virtually no development in this region — no education facilities, no health care, and what little agriculture there was it was extremely backward (rice is sown without transplantation) with little knowledge of fruits and vegetables. Superstition was rampant and encouraged and in the name of tradition oppression and exploitation was intensified — the local priest would extract large amounts from the people and the women would face terrible patriarchal practices. Liquor was every where and widely promoted. Poverty was such that people had hardly any clothes even to wear, let alone any commodities of modern civilization.

First the masses were organised on the issue of increase in wage rates for tendu-leaf picking and the cutting of bamboo. Tendu leaf-picking rates have, over the years, increased from about one to two rupees per bundle to over Rs.100 per bundle. Even today where the movement is not there the contractors give under Rs.30 per bundle. Similar is the case with bamboo cutting for the paper mill. In addition the masses were organised against the atrocities of the forest department — they were virtually chased out of the area. As a result, all were able to till land and cut fire wood without having to face their terror and loot any longer.

It is these two issues that initially built their popularity amongst the tribals. The word spread and people began calling them to newer areas. In this way the movement spread like wild fire. From the beginning itself the police were pushed into action and so the people saw the need for armed defence. They were also politically educated on the nature of the state and the need to overthrow it to gain real liberation. The movement in DK now covers an area roughly the size of Kerala.

Besides this the movement began taking up other issues like the oppression by the local gentry and village elders, the priests, the quack doctors, etc. People’s courts would try the offenders and give punishments according to the nature and severity of the crime. Earlier, conflicts between the people were ‘settled’ by the village elite, police, lawyers, judges, etc All these would fleece both parties. Besides it meant enormous expense traveling to the courts and hiring lawyers. All this is past. The conflicts are resolved by taking people’s opinions and arbitration by the people’s courts.

Also issues linked to patriarchy were taken up in a big way, like wife-beating and forced marriages. This won the confidence of the mass of women. The children were drawn to the movement by cultural performances and the respect shown for them. In this way the movement and Maoist politics were able to take deep root amongst the masses and many became recruits to the people’s army and the Party.

In Feb.1984 the mass organisation, the DAKMS (Dandakarnaya Adivasi Kisan Shetmazdoor Sangathan) was to hold its first Conference of the Gadchirolli division. Many intellectuals were to address it. Kamlapur, the venue, became a rallying point for the entire people of Vidarbha. Posters appeared all over with Peddi Shankar’s photo. Streams of Adivasis traversed 30 to 40 kilometers to attend. Intellectuals and others sought to reach Kamlapur to find out what this new phenomenon was. The police turned Kamlapur into a war camp. All roads to it were sealed. All forest paths were swarming with heavily armed police. Hundreds were arrested, the speakers were turned back, and the Conference was ruthlessly supp-ressed. Yet it took place; but in the jail.

Till 1984 there was not much retaliation against police high-handedness; with the attacks being focused on the local hoodlums. But soon, the police increased their attacks particularly on entire villages which were known to be Naxalite strongholds like Hemalkasa, Gurja, Jimalgatta, etc. So, from 1985 to 1990 the people began retaliating as the incident of Sursundi village indicates. Here the police lathi-charged and fired on a rally. The people retaliated and snatched two rifles. But, from 1991/92 state terror increased ten-fold, particularly in Gadchiroli. The Maharashtra government sent special commando forces headed by notorious police officers and in MP the BJP government unleashed its first Jan Jagran Abhiyan. Road-building which till then had been foiled by the people was undertaken by the BRO in Gadchirolli for quick movement of police forces. In the Gadchiroli and Bhandara districts of Maharashtra village after village were attacked. Mass organisation leaders were killed or arrested. Many disappeared including young girls who were the organisers of the KAMS (Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sanghthan). In MP too under the JJA they resorted to rape, loot, killing, etc. By 1993 the police terror peaked in Maharashtra with police openly shooting mass leaders before the entire village. In Bhandara district in Mangazari village the police killed 14 people and quietly buried them. Terror reached such levels that merely giving food to Naxalites could mean that the house would be burnt down.

In the Bastar region, in 1989 itself the movement spread from the south to the north of the district. The government tried its best to stop the expansion by unleashing terror in the new area. Many comrades fell to enemy bullets in the process. But the extension continued. It was only from 1990 when the police terror had grown that the Maoist began systematic attacks on the government forces through ambushes and raids. In the process many modern weapons were seized. With such successes the enemy forces were beaten back and the people regained confidence. For intensifying these attacks in 1993 Special Guerrilla Squads were formed which by 1995 developed into platoons. In the process hundreds of youth [including girls] began to join the people’s armed forces and on July 28 2004 the first Company was formed. The raid on the Koraput armoury in neighbouring Orissa was an important source of weaponry and ammunition. Now the entire masses felt the need to be armed and vast numbers began to take part in actions.

It was after the formation of the People’s Guerrilla Army on Dec 2 2000 (now called PLGA) and the holding of the erstwhile PW Party’s Congress which set the task of establishing a Base Area in DK that militias began to be formed on a big scale in all villages.

It is in the process of these struggles, whether armed or unarmed, that the Adivasis have been able to seize their rights and assert their authority over the forests and all its resources. Without such an intense struggle such victories for the people of the region would have been inconceivable.

When a terrible famine struck many parts of the country in 1997 thousands died in other tribal belts but not a single died in DK. Why, today even in normal times there are regular reports of deaths through malnutrition in most of the tribal belts where the Naxalites do not exist. In fact conditions have been getting from bad to worse in these areas as even official records show. Here the situation is different. What then have been the fruits of the past two-and-a-half decades of struggle?

ADIVASIS STAND UPRIGHT: The biggest victory has been the tribals of the area have got a self-confidence they have never known before. Earlier they would cow down before any authority and would be looked down upon by all. Now they have self-respect and can stand upright before any person. This personality development is the single major change that the movement has brought. It is long-lasting and deep-rooted. Now, they all have land; they freely move in the forests; and they get a just wage for their labour. Now the loot of the contractors, saukars, village elders, capitalists, officials, politicians and their brokers, etc have all come to an end.

BETTER LIVING CONDITIONS: Here, now no one dies of hunger. Having put an end to the exploitation and loot and brought about a huge hike in wage rates, people’s living standards have changed drastically. Earlier they had no clothes even to wear. Now, not only do they have proper clothing, they have radios, cycles, torches and many other commodities that they could never dream of before. Their diet has improved due to the development projects taken up by the Naxalites helping them grow vegetables, fruit and developing fish ponds. Hygiene has been brought to the people by the Party and the boiling of water has brought down stomach ailments drastically.

HEALTH CARE: Health care is being developed on a big scale with the Maoists teaching local youth basic medicine and anatomy. Disease, particularly malaria, is a serious problem in the region. Medicines are distributed at cost price. Hygiene is repeatedly stressed including the boiling of water.

EDUCATION: Every youth that enters the squad is taught to read and write within a year. Then they go on to more advanced learning. In the villages the Maoists try and see that government schools function and have even set up a few themselves. They take higher education for the elder youth and have devised courses for the purpose. For those entering the party, in addition there is a special political course that is taught.The basics of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism are taught. Simple book have been written and the practice of reading encouraged. All are also encouraged to use their spare time studying. Sports unknown there, have also been introduced, particularly volleyball and badminton. Educative films are shown regularly particularly war films and progressive films. In fact Charlie Chaplin films are a great hit with the people. They also go through courses of military training — both academic and field training. Besides, the people’s courts and the rudimentary forms of administration asserted by the organs of power that are developing are in them-selves an enormous educative process.

THE CHILDREN: One of the major changes that are observable is the self-confidence of the children. They are organised into Bal Sangams and take up tasks that help them develop their initiative and leadership qualities from a very young age. They learn to read and write, sing revolutionary songs, and often become the eyes and ears of the party in the villages. Often they inform the party of any person misbehaving or acting wrongly. As they grow into youth they develop into party persons and effective guerrilla fighters. Earlier they had no existence whatsoever — toiling day and night with the house/field work, sick, ill-fed and neglected. The media propagate that Naxalites uses children as child fighters. Though the minimum age to enter the PLGA is 16, the media fail to say what their wasted existence was in the existing system, and what they are today.

THE WOMEN: Though tribal society is relatively free compared to the tight controls of the Hindu brahminical order, patriarchy was deep-rooted even here. Women would slave more than the men day-and-night only to get beaten by their drunken husbands. Girls would be married off to old men and there was a very tight gotra system and any marriage out of the rule would end in killing. In fact, in many of the earlier cases of women joining the squads it was to escape from some marriage to some old man or drunkard. This would often take place forcible with the girl tied up and taken to the new house. Also superstition was rife and all women’s health problems were dealt with in dangerous ways. The powerful women’s organisation has put an end to all this and now girls can freely choose their partners. The party lends support even if the traditional parents oppose. The vast numbers of women participating in the mass organisation and even people’s army is an indication to the extent of women’s liberation achieved. Today 40% of the PLGA are women and of the new recruits women and men are equal. Many have risen to be commanders and leaders in different spheres; they are also there in the organs of the new power. Of course patriarchy still exists in various subtle and not so subtle forms, but the Party takes a firm stand against it.

DEVELOPMENT: The government and media keep propagating that Naxalites are hindering the development of the people. Of course they don’t say what they have been doing for the last 50 years and what is the plight of Adivasis in the areas where Maoists do not exist. The main purpose of this propaganda is their desire to build roads for quick movement of their police and para-military forces. The Maoists have always demanded hospitals and schools first not roads, which is a double-edged sword to slit people’s throats. But when the Maoists were able to take a breathing space from the continuous police/para-military operations, particularly in Bastar, the party has set up over 100 mini irrigation projects through shramdan. All have been made into fish breeding which gives the people a better diet and some money from the sales. Some of these are sold while some is consumed by the villagers. They have sought to introduce cooperative activities in the village and in farming, introducing modern methods. They have avoided falling into the imperialist trap of going for capital intensive farming but focusing more on organic methods. The main focus is to develop agricultural productivity and to dissuade hunting and destruction of the forests. Orchards have also been planted and many vegetables, unknown to the locals, have been introduced. People are taught and encouraged towards forest conservation and the planting of trees. Poultry, goat, and pig rearing is encouraged to take them away from hunting and yet getting their meat.

CULTURAL CHANGES: Adivasis have a great passion for song and dance. Earlier much of it was animistic or dedicated to the gods and goddesses. Now the same tunes have been put to revolutionary themes. Today hundreds of cultural troupes have been set up throughout the region which train and perform in the villages. This acts as entertainment and also education — as all songs have some political content. They often dance through the night to these songs.

The rulers have tried desperately to destroy their culture either by introducing Christianity or through Hinduisation. In the earlier period it was the missionaries that sought to convert the tribals. Now it is the RSS and their numerous outfits that have been trying to Sanskritise the tribals making them look down on their own culture. Hindu Gods and festivals are being introduced and they are even encouraged to change their names. Their mother-tongue, Gondi, is frowned upon. On the other hand the Maoists have sought to develop the Gondi language by bringing out regular literature in Gondi and printing songs, poems and other forms of self-expression of the locals in Gondi. They are made to feel proud of their roots and all comrades who come from outside pick up the local language.

Democratic and socialist values are encouraged and relationships are developed on this new basis. Marriages are also conducted through mutual consent where liking each other is the only basis. Marriages are kept simple and the function is accompanied by speeches on the marriage bond in the new system and followed by a cultural programme and sweets.

All activities are geared to the establishment of the new organs of power which have begun to emerge in rudimentary form in the villages in the form of the RPCs — Revolutionary People’s Committees. These are administrative units which seek to develop the exercise of people’s new power at the ground level. They collect funds through taxation of the better off and through the amounts raised by cooperative efforts. They have a number of departments like developmental, justice, defence, education, health, etc. The vast network of militias acts to defend this new power being born. These are gradually evolving into Janata Sarkars of administrative units at a higher level encompassing larger populations. It is this new power which the establishment rulers are panic stricken with. The maniacal attacks in the Salwa Judum is precisely to destroy this new power and preventing its spread.

The government and media try and portray the Maoists as terrorists. In that case Bhagat Singh and all those who revolted against British rule would also have to be categorised as terrorists. Mere violence cannot be equated to terror, as this very system is based on violence and terror. Democracy is a hoax. If there is to be any justice whatsoever for the oppressed and exploited they can never hope to get it through peaceful means. The past half century of so-called independence has proved this. History too has shown that unless the people take to arms in an organised way they can never hope to liberate themselves and build a just and equitable order. The effective building of the people’s army and the New Power in DK, both under the leadership of CPI (Maoist) party, is one of the main victories of the people’s movement in the region. But, the aim and goal of the army is not to plunder like any of the earlier armies of feudal and bourgeois times but to safeguard and consolidate the new political power that is being born in the region and the country.

Twenty-five years is no doubt a long time, but the fruits of victory are a new experience for the communist movement of this country. The people of DK now organised under the newly formed CPI(Maoist) is a shining red star in the very heart of India. A hundred Salwa Judums will not be able to break their will and the state terror and inhumanity resorted to will only cause even more disgust for this system and push hundreds more to the path of revolution. Let the people of our country celebrate this silver jubilee by lending whatever support is possible to this new society taking birth.

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