"To our way of thinking, and what we see in our
heart, we have reached a point where we cannot go any further, and, in addition,
it is possible that we could lose everything we have if we remain as we are and
do nothing more in order to move forward. The hour has come to take a risk once
again and to take a step which is dangerous but which is worthwhile. Because,
perhaps united with other social sectors who suffer from the same wants as we
do, it will be possible to achieve what we need and what we deserve. A new step
forward in the indigenous struggle is only possible if the indigenous join
together with workers, campesinos, students, teachers, employees...the workers
of the city and the countryside."
——Sixth declaration from the Lacandona Forest
(Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee -
General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Mexico, in the
sixth month, or June, of the year 2005. )
On 19th of June 2005, EZLN raised a "RED ALERT" in
Chiapas, Mexico .They shut down the five Governing Centers they established in
Chiapas in 2003 and withdrew inside Lacandona forest for further consultation.
After that they published their Sixth declaration from the Lacandona forest
which is very significant for the future of Mexico and its people. EZLN which
started their work among the Indigenous people of the Chiapas and took up arms
against The Mexican government On 1 st January 1994 opposing the Imperialist
crafted NAFTA, the free trade agreement of the north America involving
USA,CANADA and MEXICO which was bound to create unimaginable misery for the
Indian communities ,small farmers and workers .EZLN on their sixth declaration
gave a call for a national broad unity of the struggle of the indigenous people
with the struggles of the workers, farmers, landless laborers, students,
intellectuals, gays, lesbians . . . .all marginalized people of the Mexican
society and for international solidarity among working peoples and poor peoples’
movements throughout the world to fight the neo-liberal economic policies of the
imperialists and their local cronies. They categorically gave a call for a
nationwide leftist political movement involving and incorporating the lefts who
do not take part in election. Sub-commandant Marcos criticized the next
presidential candidate, Mayor of the Mexico City, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador,
and a member of the center-left Party of the Democratic Revolution, calling him
a false leftist. In their own word:
"Now then, what we want to do in Mexico is to make
an agreement with persons and organizations just of the left, because we believe
that it is in the political left where the idea of resisting neo-liberal
globalization is, and of making a country where there will be justice, democracy
and liberty for everyone. Not as it is right now, where there is justice only
for the rich, there is liberty only for their big businesses, and there is
democracy only for painting walls with election propaganda. And because we
believe that it is only from the left that a plan of struggle can emerge, so
that our Patria, which is Mexico, does not die."
——Sixth declaration from the Lacandona Forest
Consultation and discussions with the nationwide
representatives of the leftist organizations have been completed .Results of
that yet not published .In their declaration EZLN said that they will send a
delegation of Zapatistas across Mexico to unite indigenous people ,workers
,peasants ,students ,women and all those oppressed in this lumpen bourgeoisie
system. The mission of this movement will be to write a new constitution and to
construct an alternative to neo liberal policies from the grass root .What is
significant in this new turnaround by the masked rebels is that after almost 11
years of their armed uprising they are trying to build a peoples front, a front
of the revolutionary classes that is not interested in electoral participation
and which has the true potential of throwing away the imperialist system of
slavery ,loot ,oppression and drain. The EZLN carried out several such
initiatives in the 1990s, including the calling of a National Democratic
Convention (CND), various referenda (consultas), and the creation of the
Zapatista Front for National Liberation (FZLN) as the EZLN’s political arm. All
of these previous attempts to build a national political movement inspired by
the EZLN failed.
Indian Problem
Indian question is closely linked to the class
struggle and the 500 years history of Mexico. The existence of the Indian
movement for the struggle and resistance, which is supported by a significant
fraction of the 12 million Indians living in the country, bears witness of the
persistence of the Indian problem. The problem of the property of land suggests
the following: firstly the large estate, which belongs mainly to big landlords,
to big cattle dealers and owners of large agro-industries (such as cane,
vineyards, wood, coffee, corn, tomato, forage) and to other big companies, which
use the manpower of the Indians who live nearby. The modern Lords not only have
control over the means of production, but also over the work force of adults and
under age Indians through a complex web of contractors. Indians are hired for
half the minimum wage to pick the crops of corn, coffee, fruits, in the
production of wooden goods and textiles, during feudalism and afterwards in
Imperialism the Indian peoples being exploited by the lords were forced into
poverty, discrimination and ignorance. In fact the Indian question embraces a
number of ethnic questions of administrative, educational, cultural and racial
characters. These questions have been studied in certain depth, by EZLN however
the main issue has been always neglected, namely, the access to the ownership of
the means of production in general, and particularly of the land. Other main
issue is the right for an autonomous territory that includes the demand of
expropriation of the big lords, who plunder the Indian peoples.
Mexico: Historical
Perspective
500 years of colonialism and free trade has
exploited Latin America to the maximum. The conquest of the land placed the
Latin America in a situation of perpetual economic dependence. The ultra
exploitive export economy, dependent on the developed countries,
restricted the development of national bourgeoisie and local market created the
economic interest of the exporters of raw materials, big landowners, mine owners
whom we can call lumpen bourgeoisie. Spaniard Cortez invaded Mexico in the lust
of gold .Gold mining and exporting from Mexico started the first drain from the
country .Enslavement of Indigenous population, using them as slave labour in the
mines and fields and inhuman exploitation through this method began. The
agrarian system of the Latin American countries and Mexico in specific was
transformed to fit the commercial opportunities in the export market .After1580
predominance of latifundam or hacienda (Landlord/feudal lord) in the Mexican
economy increased when agricultural prices increased in the European market and
profits from agriculture increased in comparison to mining. Epidemic reduced the
supply of labour and small scale native agricultural products declined due to
the depopulation and the feudal system of Latifundam which engaged farm labourer/share
cropper or peon became the dominant mode of production and labour use. From 1779
to 1803 the value of agricultural production exceeded the value of mining
activities. The price increase made the landlords richer and in turn they
started increasing their landholding more which displaced more and more marginal
farmers and rural labourer. On 1810 Hidalgo initiated the revolution which made
Mexico independent 10 years later .This independence movement was in the
interest of the producers of exported raw material , i.e. hacienda which severed
its ties with the previous metropolis to serve the emerging imperial powers of
England to establish this economy of export more efficiently. This policy of
underdevelopment could not be implemented fully unless and otherwise the
national bourgeoisie which was emerging in the colonies and who believed in
industrialization and development of the local market and seek protectionist
measures from the foreign /imperial competition ,can be defeated .Conflict
between the path of self development by strengthening local market and the path
of dependence on the metropolis and export orientation, i.e. conflict between
the National bourgeoisie and lumpen bourgeoisie was reflected through out the
civil wars of 19th century in Mexico.
Mexican Revolution:
1910
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century
with the increased penetration of North American and British imperialism the
demand for Mexican agricultural export and mining export increased. Between 1891
and 1910, mining production increased by 239 per cent. As the profit from the
land increased in a short time a large number of landlords along with foreigners
created a landed aristocracy. Concentration of the land increased and the rate
of wage decreased rendering more the wretchedness of the people. Landowners
increasingly tried to occupy the indigenous land. The Indians (13 per cent of
the 15 million inhabitants at the time), whose uprisings in 1885 and 1898 had
been crushed, were thrown off their common land. The haciendas, those relics of
the era of Spanish rule, absorbed their land in a move to concentrate
agricultural exploitation. On the eve of the 1910 revolution, land concentration
reached incredible proportions: 97 per cent of arable land belonged to a tiny
minority of owners who represented one per cent of the rural population. Eighty
per cent of the rural families had no land whatsoever. Together with the
agricultural workers of the large estates, most of the peasants were treated
like serfs (peons) and lived under feudal conditions: In 1910, when the
revolution broke out, the dictator Porfirio Diaz had been ruling the country for
over 30 years. The national bourgeoisie was insignificant in comparison to the
imperialist predators – United States, Britain and France and their agents the
lumpen bourgeoisie. In the countryside much land remained unproductive or was
used to cultivate products for export. The farming of basic foods was rare, and
the corn used to make tortillas, which have been part of the staple diet of the
poor for thousands of years, had to be imported.
During the 1910 electoral campaign, Diaz found
Francisco Madero blocking his road. Madero, a big bourgeois from the north, who
thought that the political regime was favoring foreign capital over the national
bourgeoisie. Diaz put Madero into prison. Madero escaped from prison and fled to
Texas, from where he issued a call for an uprising. In May 1911, an angry
demonstration in Mexico City demanded that Diaz resign. The revolution had
begun. Madero, was arrested and shot in February 1913. Civil war spread. In
Chihuahua in the north, a breeding and mining region, and in Morelos, a large
sugar-producing region, the poverty-stricken peasants rose up. This uprising
helped two peasant armies grow and gain strength: one led by Doreteo Arango,
better known as Pancho Villa, and the other by Emiliano Zapata from Morelos.
Zapata was a strong supporter of the destruction of
the haciendas and the restitution of the stolen land to the peasant communities.
"Land and Liberty," he proclaimed in the Ayala program (1911). These were not
mere promises: he led the beginning of an agrarian reform in Morelos. At the
revolutionary Convention of March 27, 1915, in Aguascalientes, the Zapatistas
used a radical language while the Villaists continued to defend the traditional
19th century rights of individual property.
But the answer to the agrarian question was closely
linked to the question of power. The two peasant armies entered into the capital
city of Mexico and went back to their respective regions. No working class
leader, even the most radical, understood or wanted to understand that it was
necessary to establish a link between the town and the countryside which would
have increased the workers’ and peasants’ strength and that such an alliance, if
the working class took its lead, could achieve victory through seizure of power.
The bourgeoisie’s political representatives had
managed to prevent the working class movement and the insurrectionist peasantry
from joining together having alliance with groups of the urban petty
bourgeoisie. It was a success for the Constitutionalist government, which
represented this alliance; and it reassured the United States which publicly
recognized the Constitutionalist government in 1915. The Constitution of 1917
had to give some concessions in favor of the poor classes like, the liquidation
of large estates, agrarian reform and work laws; and it affirmed the right of
the state to own the national resources.
Post Revolutionary
Period
In 1929, Calles, leader of this alliance, founded
the PRN (National Revolutionary Party) which finally ended up being called the
PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party). The PRN started as a coalition of
generals and politicians. Putting reforms and nationalization on hold,
effectively they gave the upper hand to foreign capital, mainly North American.
In 1934, General Lazaro Cardenas became president; Due to the severe economic
crisis the export oriented economy was in a bad condition and that gave the
nationalist bourgeoisie a chance to choose the path of self reliant development
to some extent. Resting on these nationalist sentiments, he carried out the
single largest agrarian reform in Mexico’s history.
In order to mobilize the
population behind him, he changed the party’s name to the PRM (Party of the
Mexican Revolution) and adopted the slogan "for a workers’ democracy."
His agrarian reform benefited about 730,000 people. Moreover, the plots of land
which were distributed were two-and-a-half times bigger. Most of this land was
given to town communities in the form of "ejidos" (communal landholding).
In 1938, in order to re-establish the balance in favor of national capital, the
government decided to expropriate the oil fields belonging to British and
American imperialism. This brave decision resulted in instant disapproval from
the imperialist world. Foreign stockholders also lost their influence over the
railways whose administration was handed over to the trade unions. In order to
be able to expropriate the hacienda owners, as well as to take the field against
foreign capital, Cardenas’ regime dared to lean on the mobilization of the
peasants and agricultural workers and on the working-class organizations.
Post 2 nd
world war: Submission to the Imperialism
The Self reliant
development of the 30’s and 40’s was limited by the class structure of
Lumpen/comprador bourgeoisie whose primary interest was the foreign market and
not the local market. The national bourgeoisie was not so strong to carryout the
complete land reform and self reliant industrialization .In this age of
Imperialism it was again proved that the bourgeoisie as a class has lost its
progressive capabilities. As Imperialism tightened its grip the national
bourgeoisie buckled under the pressure and after World War II, when recovery of
the developed countries was completed, cronies of imperialism again took control
of the state power. The best irrigated lands, labour, credit everything was
again being used for the export economy. The concentration of land bring
down the wage in the fields and wretchedness of the people in the countryside
and cities increased while the small section of imperialist agents and their
foreign masters amassed huge harvest of exploitation. The sprouts of national
and industrial bourgeoisie buckling under the economic and technological control
of imperialism soon became their junior partner. This subjugation to imperialism
increased the underdevelopment.
Tightening the grip
of Imperialism: Dilution of article 27
After 1982, the
position of the agricultural sector in general and the peasant sector in
particular, has deteriorated catastrophically, following the switch to neo
liberal policies by the incoming administration of Miguel De la Madrid. People
are now much worse off than they were in the 1970s.State credit and other forms
of assistance for peasant farmers were cut back drastically .According to
article 27 of the constitution Post-revolutionary land reform beneficiaries may
receive a plot of land individually, or ejidos can be collective, based on
collective work on land held in common. Ejidatarios, the beneficiaries of
land reform, only received rights to use the land in legal theory, and could not
alienate it as if it were private property: if an ejidatario could no longer
farm his or her land, and had no successors in the family able to do so, the
plot should revert to the community for redistribution to some other potential
beneficiary. In practice, however, land titles have been bought and sold in
ejidos, and ejidal land might be rented to capitalist entrepreneurs from outside
the agrarian community for long periods. But these were informal and illegal
practices up to December 1991, when the neo-liberal administration of President
Carlos Salinas de Gortari (elected in July 1988 amid widespread accusations of
electoral fraud) amended constitutional Article 27 in ways which will in
practice make legal sales of ejido land possible for the first time and allow
peasants to put up their land as collateral for a loan. In today’s neoliberal
political climate, this view is once again coming into the ascendant and the
privatization of ejidal land has long been the policy of Mexico’s main
right-wing opposition party, the PAN (Partido de Acción Nacional). This new
amendment threatened the future existence of the ejido itself by opening the
doors to a creeping privatization of ejido land and the possibility of
concentration of land in fewer and fewer hands and in the hands of the foreign
imperial agri-business.
NAFTA: The Complete
Submission
This land reform was just a prelude to a more
severe and dangerous future for the poor farmers and workers of Mexico. In 1993
Mexico govt. signed a free trade agreement with USA and Canada which will reduce
all the tariff walls in trade between USA Canada and Mexico. It paved the way
for foreign imports of food grain and other foodstuff and uninterrupted inflow
of foreign capital. For small indigenous subsistence corn farmers of Mexico
NAFTA was like a death sentence. Cheap imported maize from the US – the world’s
most efficient (??) and most heavily subsidized producer – would be a boon (??)
to Mexican consumers and will just create havoc for the small and marginalized
farmers of Mexico. They will be forced to leave their land and be a landless
destitute and will either work as a wage laborer in imperialist controlled huge
agri-farms which produce export quality cotton, coffee, fruits, wine, liquor for
the developed world or in the severely low waged assembly shops in the export
processing zones where no labour law is implemented. And despite a huge drop in
the price farmers received for their corn, consumers often ended up paying more.
The price of tortillas – the country’s staple food – rose nearly fivefold as the
Government jettisoned domestic subsidies and giant agribusiness firms took over
the market opening the floodgates to tons of imported US corn. Maize imports
tripled under NAFTA and producer prices fell by half. The drop in income
immediately hit the most vulnerable members of rural society. While more than a
third of the corn grown by small farmers is used to feed their families, the
rest is sold on local markets. "Monthly income for self-employed farmers fell
from 1959 pesos a month in 1991 to 228 pesos a month in 2003". (Trade Impact
Review (TIR) by Women’s Edge Coalition). When the price of crops like coffee
drops and non-farm sources of income dry up, families grow more maize to feed
their families. Growing genetically modified maize is illegal in Mexico. But 99
per cent of imported corn in Mexico comes from the US and analysts estimate that
at least a quarter of that is GM. The GM corn got cross-pollinated and created a
genetic pollution in the fields of Mexico. Over 100,000 campesinos
marched in the streets of Mexico City last year ‘in defence of corn’ demanding
that the agricultural chapter of NAFTA be renegotiated to remove staple food
crops (corn and beans). The Government has refused.
This free trade agreement was meticulously crafted
to extract most from the developing country. It was a test case, a model, which
would be followed later on in FTTA and WTO to maximize the exploitation of the
underdeveloped and developing countries by omnipotent imperial capital.
"For centuries England relied on protection,
carried it to extremes, and got good results from it .There is no doubt that it
is to this system that that country owes its present power. After two centuries,
England has found it desirable to adopt free trade because protection no longer
offers advantages. Very well gentlemen ,the knowledge that I have of my country
leads me to believe that within two hundred years ,when America has gotten all
that she can get from protection ,she too will adopt free trade"—Victorious
general Ulysses S. Grant after winning war against the exporters and free
traders of south in American civil war.
General Grant was absolutely correct in his
prophecy and only his prediction came true about hundred years earlier. The USA
the greatest imperialist power on earth is one of the strongest advocates of
free trade. This is mere imperialist logic as they must have a free flow of
goods and capital throughout the world in order to intensify their neo-colonial
domination and loot around the world. While themselves resorting to increasingly
protectionist measures they seek open the markets of the world by smashing all
restrictive trade and investment practices. So, once again we find that trade,
structured in this way, makes the country totally vulnerable to the
imperialists.
Labour reform by Fox
govt.
Amidst wide protest and as presidential election is
due within 1 year President Fox has shelved the proposal of draconian labour
reform for the time being. The pro-employer pro imperialist labor law reforms
being pushed by the PAN and the PRI have been opposed by the independent union
organizations, the Authentic Labor Front (FAT), the National Union of Workers (UNT)
and the Mexican Union Front (FSM). The PRI and PAN, backed by the employers
associations and the Congress of Labor, have announced that they will return to
the Federal Legislature with their labor law reform proposal. "Workers in Mexico
already face unacceptable obstacles to exercising their rights to join
independent unions, bargain collectively, and strike," said José Miguel Vivanco,
America’s director at Human Rights Watch. "President Fox’s reforms would make it
next to impossible." The Fox administration’s proposal would create new
mandatory procedures that workers must fulfill prior to exercising these
fundamental human rights.
Before they could strike, compel their employers to
bargain collectively, or call a vote to gain representational rights and
supplant a pre-existing union, worker would have to obtain a variety of
documents certifying union registration. But these papers are only available
from authorities typically hostile to independent unions. Furthermore, prior to
striking or holding a vote for an independent union, workers would also have to
present to the Board a document, containing their names and signatures,
expressing their desire to exercise these rights. But widespread retaliation
against independent union members in Mexico makes workers reluctant to publicly
declare their wish to join an independent union or to strike. Exclusion clauses
in "protection contracts" that give pro-business unions the right to demand that
certain workers be fired only exacerbate this climate of fear. These clauses are
regularly cited to successfully call for the illegal dismissal of independent
union sympathizers.
Human Rights Watch documented systematic
pregnancy-based discrimination in Mexico’s free trade zones, both post-hire and
in the hiring process, in August 1996 and December 1998. In January 1998, the
U.S. National Administrative Office also concluded that the practice was
widespread. And the U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR)
stated in 1999 that it was "deeply concerned about the situation of women
workers in the maquiladoras, some of whom are subjected to pregnancy tests upon
recruitment and at intervals during work, and are dismissed if found to be
pregnant."
Unity And Struggle
At this crossroad the national leftist front
proposed by the EZLN has a profound responsibility of carrying out the struggle
of indigenous people , farmers , workers , students, women and other oppressed
sectors of the Mexican society against the comprador lumpen bourgeoisie and
their imperialist masters .They should throwaway all illusion about bourgeoisie
democracy and reform which is like an opium that create a haze around the true
character of the state and ruling class .For the liberation of oppressed class
in a semi colony the question of seizure of power by the proletariat and
peasantry is very very important .On the question of seizure of power concrete
conviction by the revolutionary command is required .Any confusion in seizure of
power will only help the ruling class of imperialists, compradors and landlords
.After the 1910 revolution though the revolutionary peasantry defeated the
oppressor armies and the working class in the cities organized massive strikes
,demonstration they did not gave stress on the seizure of power by the unified
revolutionary command of peasantry and working class. Other way it can be said
unification of the two revolutionary classes was lacking due to the absence of a
communist party. Mere theory of "exercising power" rather than "seizure of power
" will only thrill post modernists intellectuals and ruling classes. Petty
bourgeoisie dilemma about armed struggle and seizure of power will only
strengthen the ruling classes. Only the demand for a new constitution will not
guaranty the emancipation of the people; which will only be sure if this
exploitive state structure along with the ruling classes is thrown away.
EZLN along with other revolutionary lefts should
strive for an agenda that will truly liberate the oppressed people from the
clutches of imperialism and their local cronies. The only consistent alternative
consists of the complete appropriation of the land held by land lords and
agri-business to the tillers or community including the appropriation of all
means of production. To free Mexico from the grip of compradors, landowners and
imperialists a strong revolutionary front and a strong revolutionary communist
party is needed which can lead the proletariat and poor and landless peasants
towards a true new democratic revolution, which will remove all the feudal and
imperialist landholdings, distribute land to the landless and poor, create a
local market for the nationalist self reliant bourgeoisie and take the country
in the path of true socialism; then only the dream of thousands of Zapata s will
come true .
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