Volume 6, No. 3, March 2005

The 7th Asian Security forum meet was held in Delhi in the end of January 2005, which the U.S. Secretary of State, Condolizza Rice, attended and expressed her government’s opinions on the political situation in Andhra Pradesh. It was the third time within the past few months’ for the US government to intervene directly in our own country’s affairs. The ‘Honorable’ Defence Minister, Mr. Pranab Mukhurjee, never dared to counter the American official; instead with a nervousness he utters that the problem of Naxalites does exist there, but it is under control. The same Defence Minister on 4th Feb issued a statement at Hyderabad that Talks should be continued in AP, but that the Naxal threat had increased, coming as a main danger to the internal security of the country.

Under the chairmanship of Mr. Sivraj Patil regular meetings of DGPs, security affairs committees, joint operational commands, internal security meetings, Naxal ‘affected’ state’s CMs’ meetings, together with his personal visits to the North-East, J & K, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Chhattisghar etc. have been regularly taking place. The outcome of all these huge spurt in meetings, particularly after the formation of the CPI(Maoist) was to intensify the repression on the revolution. They said: a) the Naxalite problem was the main threat to the internal security of the country. b) the plan for the modernization of the forces along with special training. c) construction of roads as part of reforms, d) further coordination between the states, e) deployment of central forces on a permanent basis. f) newer and newer draconian laws to curb all the nominal rights which have been publicly pronounced g) and a war of vicious propaganda on the Maoists by utilizing all govt. resources.

Meeting after meeting, co-ordination between the states and their forces with Central forces are meant to crush the revolutionary mass movement. Company after company, battalion after battalion of central forces are being deployed. At the time of NDA rule, in the name of an ‘Indian Reserve Force’, a new para military organisation emerged in areas of higher levels of class and nationality struggles. A number of new battalions have been added to the existing structure of the para-military forces. After, the nine state’s Chief Ministers met on 21st September, a new force comprising 50 Battalions — named as STF — is going to be formed exclusively against the revolutionaries. All other preparations are geared to ‘root out ‘terrorism’ (revolution) with the blessings of American imperialism.

The Congress has a long history of duplicity. While pretending to lead the anti-British struggle they served the British by seeking to diffuse the discontent and stabbing it in the back. Now, while sweet-talking of talks with Naxalites, they have made all preparations for even more brutal repression than even before. Not surprising, as the worst massacres of the people have gone on in this country under Congress auspices. Can one forget the butchery of naxalites in the early 1970s, or the genocide conducted against Kashmiris, Sikhs and the people of the North-East?

After assuming power the UPA at the Centre temporarily toned down the anti-Naxalite propaganda compared to the BJP-led NDA period. The May 2004 parliamentary elections changed the political atmosphere since the last few months in the method used, not any liberal approach in government policies. One alliance fell and another took charge. The NDA was thrown out of power and the UPA assumed office. The change of parties may have occurred, yet the general policies continue at the same pace. Capitulation to imperialism, particularly the US, and increasing state violence, are the twin sides of a common policy of any government. One can see the change in presentation of the problems, as well as the tone of the Home Ministers of India. Mr. Sivraj Patil replaced Mr. Advani. The Home Secretaries were changed too, the bureaucracy in the PMO and the men in the special cells too were transferred to appease the ‘new’ ministers, but the policies laid down by the imperialists are being implemented by the new bosses without any delay and interruption.

Since the last quarter of 2003 till date, various states faced assembly elections and in April-May 2004 General elections were held. In this period propaganda and debate revolved mainly round the Naxal issues in nine states. In the 2003 assembly elections in Chhattisghar and Madhya Pradesh, in the Andhra Pradesh assembly which was dissolved prematurely, and now in the current phase of the Jharkhand and Bihar assembly elections too, the Naxal issue has occupied center stage. When in power the BJP, as the leader of the NDA and now as the opposition party, has never paused to consistently launch an offensive vicious propaganda war against the Indian Maoists. When resistance intensified in new areas after the May 2004 elections, like in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, North Bihar, Uttarakhand, borders of Chhattisghar-Jharkhand, Bengal-Jharkhand and Orissa-Jharkhand, suddenly the Chief Ministers of the concerned states started a hullabaloo against the CPI(Maoist), which is spearheading the Indian revolution against all the dark forces of this country.

The ‘Marxists’ in Bengal deployed big contingents of the para-military in South Bengal and are now planning serious attacks in North Bengal too. In Jharkhand the deployment of forces and repression increased with a long term perspective. After the formation of the new states of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, military equipment in their arsenals are soaring and new battalions with young recruits are being deployed in the battlefront. Mulayam in Uttar Pradesh too has stepped up the police attacks to high levels in the areas where Maoists hold sway. The Congress led state govt. in Uttarkhand has launched a campaign of terror in those regions of Maoist influence and is trying to crush the CPI (Maoist) when it is in its infant stage itself. As the movement gains momentum in North Bihar and the borders of UP-Uttarkhand, the Laloo-Rabri govt. is over active in deploying extra forces. The STF of Bihar has been regularly attacking selected targets of the Maoists’ technical mechanism and on the leadership. The Orissa and the Madhya Pradesh governments are also planning various reform programmes and side-by-side sending new forces to the battlefront. The Maharastra government too has been continuing the repression without any break particularly in the districts of Gadchiroli, Chandrapur and Bhandra.

In South India, the Karnataka govt. has now engaged its STF against the Maoists in the Western Ghats, which was engaged before against Veerappan. Lately they have murdered the State committee Secretary of the Karnataka Party and another. In Tamilnadu the fascist Jayalalita continues with her intense repressive policies, and it is over two years since the 26 activists, including two state committee members of the party are languishing in jail. A recent DGP’s meet at New Delhi discussed about the deployment of the Indian Army in Dandakarnaya at a ‘right time’ to cordon off and attack the guerrilla bases there. In AP the truce broke down and the govt. unilaterally started attacks on the CPI (Maoist) and the CPI(ML)(Janashakti) killing over 20 comrades in just a fortnight.

Yet, at this juncture stiff resistance has been going on from the side of revolutionaries forces against the government offensive. Actually, after the Parliamentary elections a song on talks was sung by various state govts to win over public opinion. In this background, statement after statement from various state govts. were released regarding talks. Later, opposition parties set out to voice in chorus for a central policy on the suppression of Naxalites. The sounds became shriller as the Maoists intensified their attacks with the actions in UP, Munger and Gaya (Bihar), numerous actions in Jharkhand and also DK. Even the ex-BJP President and fascist Naidu just escaped when his helicopter was blown up in Gaya. A full-scale debate started among the ruling classes irrespective of their party background with the core argument that there should not be further consideration on the Naxal issue, like allowing them for talks or open activity, when they are carrying arms. Laying down of arms became a central point from Nov. 2004 onwards. The RSS supremo, Shiv Sena Supremo, Jaya, Chandrababu Naidu, Navin Patnaik, Fernadez or Buddha, Munda, Ramon or Sonia, Manmohan, YSR, Jana, etc are all now singing the same song without any major difference. So it needs to be understood that the Centre and state government’s, led by various ruling class parties, approach to their repressive policies are in essence same.

When enemy forces are continuously adopting the method of cordon and suppression, new forms of repression, new tactics, advanced technology, superior equipment, training additional forces and a well oiled mechanism will give advantages to it in some battles or in its strategical offensive. Yet, the sharpening of contradictions among the ruling classes will weaken these advantages in its offensive war. However the Maoists will try to counter resist and improve its strength day by day. Mao said that, "In any war, the opponents contend for the initiative, whether on a battle-field, in a battle area, in a war zone or in the whole war, for the initiative means freedom of action for an army. Any army which loses the initiative is forced into a passive position and ceases to have freedom of action, faces the danger of defeat or extermination."

The path of revolution is protracted and the sustained guerrilla war is advancing in the guerrilla zones. And in all these zones the war has sustained for a long period but later faced an ebb in some areas, particularly in North Telangana since 1999. In Maharashtra, particularly in the Gadchiroli, Bandara, Gondia areas movements are also facing continuous serious repression without any relaxation. In these areas guerrilla war has traversed a long distance and advanced with serious losses. In any guerrilla zone of India, under the leadership of the CPI (Maoist), the war of defence will obviously develop through seriously difficult conditions, with no sufficient rear area in the country till date (i.e. a Base Area), nor border countries to assist, as the people’s forces are relatively weak and are facing the enemy’s big forces. So in this adverse situation the initiative in some pockets has gone into the hands of the enemy forces. In those areas the initiative can again be regained by fighting with the enemy forces, and engaging them daily whenever the state forces enter the guerrilla zones. Generally, the political initiative will be retained in the hands of the Maoists because they are waging a just war against the system. To over throw this existing rule and establish an alternative, hundreds of battles would be fought before the capture of power through the final battles. All these battles are waged keeping the initiative, flexibility and planning in the hands of guerrilla forces and their leader the CPI (Maoist). Here it is once again to be remembered that the principle of flexibility is to be adopted that alone can take the enemy by surprise. As Mao has said "the nature of guerrilla warfare is such that the guerrilla forces must be employed flexibily in accordance with the task in hand and with such circumstances as the state of the enemy." He also said, "If the enemy forces in a certain place present a particularly serious threat, the guerrilla units should not linger, but should move off with lighting speed."

In this type of zigzag war of guerrilla resistance, for a temporary period in some areas, the enemy forces may get the upper hand. In such places along with resistance, the people need to be consolidated in secret forms of organisation and mobilization. Here, people would have to be drawn back into the people’s war, gradually stepping up guerrilla attacks to harass the enemy and beat them back.

The situation in Nepal too broke the dreams of the Indian state. On the one hand it was forced to condemn the emergency, while on the other it was simultaneously gearing up its army to extend all logistical support to the King to crush the liberation movement of Nepal under the leadership of the Maoists. It is further trying to cut the relationship between the CPN (Maoist) and CPI (Maoist) and to minimize the impact of the war of liberation of Nepal on the Indian people.

Whatever be the tall claims of the UPA, within a very short span of time it is nakedly exposed before the Indian toiling masses that, in the final analysis, it serves the interests of imperialism, particularly US imperialism. Whatever mask it wears it will be temporary. The vanguard party of the proletariat needs to use all the weapons available to fight against the state, to mobilize the people against the state and to consolidate the gains of the movement so far achieved. There is urgency to reorganize its forces for the new battles, to propagate revolutionary politics in a larger way, and to intensify the war of resistance.

Different tactics no doubt, need to be adopted in different circumstances, considering the given specific conditions. But the aim of all these tactics is the same i.e. to advance the war, strengthen the three magic weapons, to establish bases and to extend the war to newer areas. The formation of the new party has had a positive impact on the revolutionary masses, which needs to be consolidated further without delay.

There is need to lead all the organized, unorganized spontaneous movements towards a single direction, and plan meticulously after studying the new first offensive of the UPA-led government. Whatever co-ordination there might be between the States and the Centre and whatever be the gearing up of the armed forces, this may temporarily affect the movement but the already achieved confidence of the people in the Maoists will help the revolution move forward fast towards progress. The rich experiences of the two erstwhile parties provide the grounds for such advance. So, the theory and practice of the past could once again sharpen the practice at this critical juncture. Otherwise that theory becomes purposeless if it is not connected with revolutionary practice, just as practice alone amounts to grouping in the dark if the path is not illumined by the revolutionary theory.

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