As we had pointed out
in our earlier issue of People’s March, the Congress government in AP led
by YS Rajasekhara Reddy, has begun to tread along the same path as Chandrababu
Naidu after the first round of peace talks in October last. While it began the
fascist suppression with denial of permission to the peaceful public meetings
and rallies as well as to the construction of martyrs’ columns by the CPI(Maoist)
and CPI(ML)-Janashakti in the month of November, it took the form of extensive
combings and harassment of the people in the month of December. And, from the
first week of January 2005, the YSR government began to taste the blood of the
revolutionaries even as it uttered, ad nauseum, that it was ready to hold
peace talks with the Naxalites any number of times!!
January 6th marked
the beginning of the ‘encounter raj’ under the Congress-TRS government
led by YSR. On that day, the first fake encounter took place in the eight months
of the Congress rule when Rajireddy, a member of a Janashakti squad, was shot
from behind in the Mulugu forest in Warangal district. In less than 48 hours,
the police fired on a PLGA squad of the CPI(Maoist) in Pullalacheuvu forest of
Prakasham district on 8th January. They arrested an organizer of the Chaitanya
Mahila Samakhya, comrade Laxmi, from Kurnool, tortured and shot her dead. A
story was floated by the police that she was killed in the Pullalacheruvu
encounter.
On 13th January
comrade Pantha Narasimlu alias Naresh, the commander of the Maneru squad of
Janashakti, was shot dead in Avanur village in Karimnagar district. As usual,
the lawless police goons led by their new chief, Swaranjit Sen, swore that he
was killed when the police opened fire in self-defense as the guerilla squad
continued to fire upon the police party in spite of repeated warnings to
surrender. An eye-witness account, however, sent a detailed report of what had
actually happened to the media. The police officials, disguised themselves as
contractors and traders and sent an informer to the Janashakti squad saying that
they would give funds. When they were given an appointment they went to the spot
and all of a sudden, began to fire from behind when Naresh fell to the bullets.
Within a week, on
January 15, two encounters were staged in the Nallamala forest in which six
Maoists were killed. In one encounter near Chintala village in Prakasham
district, three guerillas, including a woman guerilla, were killed while three
others were killed in the encounter near Bukkalingayapalli village in Achampet
mandal in Mahboobnagar district. In the Chintala incident, the commander of
Palavanka squad comrade Seshanna alias Madhu was killed. Comrade Seshanna had
joined the CPI(Maoist) party, then known as CPI(ML)[PW], in the year 2002 after
being in Janashakti for a long period. He was taken into the Divisional
Committee of Nallamala Forest Division (NFD) in 2004. These incidents, it
appears, had taken place when the police parties sat in ambush basing on
information about the movements of the Maoist guerillas. The latter, it also
appears, were caught unawares as the YSR government had been swearing day in and
day out that it would maintain restraint though the cease-fire was not extended
after it had lapsed on December 16, 2004. It, however, turned out that YSR and
Jana Reddy, the state Chief Minister and Home Minister respectively, proved
themselves to be of Hitler’s breed. They undertook a bloody offensive while
keeping the Naxalites off guard by their talk of maintaining peace and their
commitment to hold the second round of talks.
On January 17, two
more persons, Sudarshan of Telangana Jana Sabha and Nalla Vasanth of TRS, were
killed in Warangal district in the usual story of exchange of fire between the
police and the Maoists that began when the latter had opened fire and the police
retaliated in self-defence.
On Jan.20th three
more youth party organisers were killed in a fake encounter in Karimnagar.
Thus, in a period of
just fourteen days from 6th - 20th January, a total of fourteen persons — eleven
revolutionaries belo-nging to the CPI(Maoist) and CPI(ML)-Janashakti, a static
executive member of the women’s organization, the CMS (Com. Laxmi), one TJS
activist and one activist of even the TRS, which is a partner in the ruling
alliance, were killed in fake encounters in the state. There are strong reasons
to surmise that the killing of the last two might have been done deliberately in
order to scare those who are trying to agitate for a separate Telangana. This is
because YSR is dead against the demand for a separate state and he would leave
no stone unturned to foil it even if it meant killing people. The attacks
against the Naxalites will also serve as a smokescreen to justify the killing of
those agitating for a separate Telangana in the name of Naxalites.
By these brutal acts
YSR’s Congress government had proved itself to be even more fascist than the
predecessor Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP. It had dumped all the promises made to the
people of Andhra Pradesh during the last Assembly elections that it would not
resort to fake encounters, would check all police excesses, ensure the freedom
of speech and assembly, and that it would even institute a judicial enquiry into
all the fake encounters that had taken place during the TDP rule. Let alone
ordering a judicial enquiry into the fake encounter killings of the past, now it
itself had become the hangman and tyrant. The Congress tradition of brutal
suppression of people’s movements has been there since 1947, and the
ruthlessness with which it suppressed the nascent Naxalite movement in 1971 was
an example.
The first round of peace talks shakes
the Congress government
When the Naxalites,
during the first round of peace talks with the government, placed the demands of
land distribution, self-reliance by doing away with the imperialist plunder and
mobilizing the local resources, and ensuring the democratic atmosphere in the
state by reining in the police, the exploiting ruling classes became unnerved.
As admitted by the
state Home Minister Jana Reddy, there has been tremendous pressure from big
business and the landlords to protect their property from the Naxalites. There
had been several land occupation struggles all over the state and it was but
natural for the landlords, who had illegally been enjoying the land since many
years with the connivance of the politicians and police officials, should exert
pressure on the government to clamp down on the Naxalites even if there is a
hullabaloo about violation of democratic rights.
The World Bank has
been in the forefront of this pressure campaign to end the peace talks and to
physically eliminate the Naxalites especially after the latter had advanced the
slogan of self-reliance and an end to all loans from the World Bank
and the scrapping of all the conditionalities imposed by the Bank and
other imperialists. The slogan of self-reliance is anathema for the imperialists
who want nothing short of total, abject surrender of every Third World country.
The demand of self-reliance is slated for discussion in the second round of
talks and hence every attempt is made to scuttle the talks as this slogan could
catch up with the people and initiate a militant mass agitation against
imperialist exploitation.
The decision not to
hold further talks with the Naxalites was taken by the Chief Minister and a
small coterie in the Central government but it was made to appear to the outside
world as if the government was still ready to hold talks. Once the decision was
taken not to give further credibility and legitimacy to the politics of
Naxalites, the Chief Minister began to seriously initiate measures to scuttle
the talks. He began to talk of establishing permanent peace in the state and
that Naxalites should give up arms and join the so-called mainstream. This
campaign began soon after the completion of the first round of talks,
particularly after the state Cabinet meeting on October 30. YSR went so far as
to state that Naxalism was far more dangerous than factionalism and communalism.
He was infuriated by the Naxal demand for the seizure and redistribution of the
land of the imperialist and big business firms, political leaders and big
bureaucrats all of whom had illegally acquired the land from the local people
with the blessings of Chandrababu Naidu’s government. While it was his own party
that had demanded an enquiry into these illegal acquisitions before it came to
power now it deems it as absurd since it too wants to continue the same policy
of selling out the state to the big business-imperialist combine with
commissions and kickbacks for the ruling politicians and bureaucrats.
The first step taken
by the YSR government was to curb the freedom of speech and assembly by denying
permission to the meetings and rallies organized by the CPI(Maoist) and
CPI(ML)-Janashakti since the first week of November and the ones that were
allowed were subjected to several restrictions. As a result, most of the
meetings planned by the two revolutionary parties after the first round of talks
were cancelled.
The only big meeting
was that on November 16, held in Hyderabad to mark the occasion of the formation
of the CPI(Maoist) after the merger of the two Maoist revolutionary parties—CPI(ML)[People’s
War] and MCCI. Even this meeting was held under stringent conditions and braving
large-scale police harassment of the people proceeding to the meeting. Thousands
of vehicles were either seized by the police a day before the meeting or stopped
on way to the meeting place. The success of the meeting notwithstanding all
these police measures had unnerved the rulers further.
Other measures taken
by the YSR government were: to undertake combing operations in the name of
routine village visits by the police, normal policing, counseling, training the
youth for self-employment, so-called trisutra pathakam that involves
development programmes by the MRO, MDO and the local sub-Inspector of police,
organizing surrender dramas of Naxalites, building a network of police informers
in the villages, searching for and removing landmines placed by the Maoists,
intelligence gathering about the movements of the guerillas, fortification of
the police stations, recruiting thousands of unemployed youth as homeguards, and
so on. It had opened a regional headquarters of the anti-Naxal Greyhounds force
in Vishakhapatnam to cover the operations in the AOB zone.
Even as the state
government was making its preparations to counter the revolutionaries when the
peace talks fail, was closely coordinating with the other states that fall under
the Joint Operational Command in matters such as intelligence-sharing, and
receiving assistance from the Centre in counter-insurgency warfare, and an
assurance that all expenses incurred by the various state governments in dealing
with "Left-wing extremism" would be met by it every year, it began to cry hoarse
that Naxalites were taking undue advantage of the situation, making massive
recruitment, arms collection, extortion of funds, threatening people, occupying
lands, and so on.
The newly-appointed
police chief, Swaranjit Sen, whose wife, incidentally, faces criminal charges of
exporting babies to foreign countries, has turned out to be even more brutal
than his predecessor. On the very day of taking charge he openly threatened that
the police will do its duties of maintaining law & order which includes dealing
with the Naxalites who carry arms while visiting villages, who indulge in
extortion, or do anything unlawful and so on.
Thus, the Congress
party that had cried from the roof-tops since 2002 that the Naxalite issue was
not a Law & Order issue but a socio-economic-political one and promised to the
people before and during the elections that it would never treat it as a L&O
issue and would not indulge in fake encounters, had backtracked in a span of six
months and began its repressive measures from the beginning of November last.
And it began to stage fake encounters by January this year. It had begun to deal
with the Naxalite issue as a Law & Order issue and is seeking a police solution
to the issue. YSR government’s betrayal of the aspirations of the masses of AP
who wanted a democratic atmosphere and an end to all repressive measures against
the Naxalites brought strong reaction from the people and various democratic
organizations and individuals. The very fact that the people of AP had rejected
the call of the TDP led by Chandrababu Naidu to give their mandate against the
Naxalites in the last elections showed the general sympathy of the people
towards the Naxalites.
And this support was
revealed in the period after the elections when they turned out in their lakhs
to the meetings and rallies organized by the Maoists. During the first round of
talks the response of the people was overwhelming. It was in fact this massive
response that had unnerved the ruling party which made up its mind to call off
the talks and begin the police offensive against the Naxalites. However, the
Congress did not want to appear that it was against the talks. It began to
reiterate day in and day out that it was ready for talks but this was possible
only if the Naxalites stopped carrying arms to the villages. It first said that
Naxalites should give up arms and join the "mainstream", argued that there was
no place for violence in a "democracy", and such other trash but when objections
came from several quarters, it began to insist on the 7th Clause as a
precondition for talks. None of these drew any support for the government. On
the contrary, questions began to be raised about the change in the government’s
stance such as imposing conditions for holding the second round of talks when it
was already agreed by the two sides to discuss the 7th clause in the second
round, the combing operations undertaken by the police and a series of
cease-fire violations by the police. There was increasing support to the Naxal
demand for enquiry by the Monitoring Committee into the incidents of cease-fire
violation by the police.
The government, when
it had to finally agree for an enquiry due to increasing pressure, tried to
confine it to the paper and no concrete measures were initiated to begin the
enquiry. Moreover, it included seven more names into the Monitoring Committee
without even consulting the Naxalites. Thus it tried by all means to play foul
and escape responsibility for the misdeeds of its police. Even after eleven
persons were killed in fake encounters in January and there was a furore in the
state for an immediate enquiry into the incidents, the government referred only
some old cases of minor importance to the Monitoring Committee while keeping
silent on the latest emcounter killings by the police. This had further exposed
the government’s dubious role and the Monitoring Committee rightly rejected the
government proposal to take up enquiry of the past incidents. It told the Home
Minister that such a proposal was irrelevant in the present context and that it
was of utmost urgency to take up enquiry into the encounter killings in the four
districts of Prakasham, Mahboobnagar, Karimnagar and Warangal.
Political Crisis
intensifies in AP:
The political crisis
had intensified after the open statement issued by the CPI(Maoist) leaders
comrades Ramakrishna, Jampanna and Sudhakar on January 15 and the January 17th
statement by the leaders of both CPI(Maoist) and CPI(ML)-Janashakti. The leaders
of the two parties made it clear that the talks were sabotaged by the government
which had actually let loose a wave of repression and fake encounters while
swearing that it was committed to continue the talks with the Naxalites. Hence
they declared that they had no other alternative but to withdraw from the talks.
This drew massive
protests from all the political parties against the government’s policy of
staging fake encounters. All of them demanded that the government should
persuade the Naxalites to resume talks and that it should conduct an enquiry
into the encounters and punish the guilty. The crisis within the Congress party
itself as well as in the TRS and in the ruling alliance became quite acute.
Hundreds of lower-level functionaries within the Congress and TRS and MPTC and
ZPTC members tendered their resignations en masse in some Telangana districts in
protest against the government’s policy of encounters and demanding that talks
should be continued to maintain peace in the state.
The state cabinet,
after an emergency meeting, declared that it would resume talks and appealed to
the Naxalites to reconsider their stand. The mediators, members of the
monitoring committee and others accused the government for having vitiated the
atmosphere by enacting fake encounters. At the time of writing, a demand was
advanced by the Naxalites that they might reconsider if the SPs of the four
districts where the fake encounters had taken place were removed and murder
cases filed against them.
There is yet no
response from the government and it is unlikely that the Congress, known for its
long notorious tradition of suppression of people’s movements and brutal
killings of revolutionaries will concede to these demands. The future seems
bright in spite of the massive repression being let loose by the YSR government
on the revolutionaries and the struggling people. The first round of talks had
brought the people’s agenda to the fore and the prospects of a militant
agitation for fulfilling the agenda are promising. Whatever may be the next turn
of development in the ongoing talks, the people of AP have become more
radicalized, and their democratic consciousness has further enhanced during the
entire process of the peace talks. To that extent their support for the people’s
war has grown and will be a great asset in the days to come. And it is this
factor that has made the ruling classes jittery and prompted it to scuttle the
talks and suppress the Naxalites.
Finally, on 17
January, 2005. in a press statement released by the AP units of the CPI(Maoist)
and the CPI(ML)Janashakti said: No More Talks with the Government!
Intensifying the people’s war — the only answer to the fake encounters
perpetrated by the treacherous YSR government!! The statement added:
People of Andhra Pradesh democratically aspired for the establishment of
a democratic atmosphere in the state through talks with the Naxalites. The
Y.S.Rajashekhara Reddy government had utterly betrayed these people’s
aspirations. It has shamelessly abandoned its promises made during the elections
that it would usher in a democratic atmosphere in the state by holding talks
with the Naxalites and that it would resolve the basic issues of the people.
Thus it proved itself to be an anti-people traitor. It revived the fascist rule
in the state and thereby exposed its real character.
In just eleven days
from 6-16 January, 2005 it had murdered eleven persons—ten comrades belonging to
our two parties—CPI(Maoist) and Janashakti-and one organizer of a mass
organization in Warangal, Prakasham, Mahboobnagar and Karimnagar districts.
Among these were three women comrades including the state Executive Member of
Chaitanya Mahila Samakhya, comrade Laxmi. The series of encounters that took
place on January 14 and 15 were unheard of even during Chandrababu Naidu’s rule.
Then the statement
goes on to trace the events as they occurred over the past few months and the
betrayal of the Congress of even its own promises. It finally c\concludes
saying: It has been proved once again that parliamentary democracy
being advocated by the ruling classes is fake. It has also been clearly exposed
that the present ruling classes cannot solve people’s problems through such a
peaceful political process as talks. Under these circumstances, the government
is trying to bind our hands in the name of talks and to suppress the
revolutionary parties and the revolutionary masses. We are withdrawing from
the process of talks due to this conspiracy of the government. We appeal to the
entire people to understand this reality. We also appeal to the people to
participate in the people’s war for the resolution of the basic problems of the
people.
We convey our
gratitude to all the democrats and members of the intelligentsia who had
sincerely tried to bring about a democratic atmosphere in the state in
accordance with the people’s aspirations. We appeal to them to participate in
the political struggle that is being waged for democracy.
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