Volume 5, No. 11-12, November-December 2004









Given the historic significance of this merger and the birth of the unified Communist Party of India (Maoist) in the country, People’s March sought an interview with the two main architects of this process; the erstwhile general secretaries of the two erstwhile parties, of the CPI(ML)(PW) and the MCCI respectively. PM sought their view on a wide spectrum of issues stretching from local issues, as the clashes in Bihar-Jharkhand, to issues affecting the entire country, and also the world. They also touched on issues linked to the merger process.

Through the interview PM sought to illicit the views of these leaders on, not only the past, not just the present but also the future of revolution in India and the entire world. The interview throws light on a wide variety of issues which no doubt is on the mind of those desiring radical change. This interview seeks answers to those burning issues of the day linked to: current situation in the world and in India, revolution and counter-revolution, Marxism and reformism, Maoist ideology vis-à-vis the varied non-proletarian trends, and the future of socialism particularly in the light of the setback to communism after the reversals in the USSR and China.

We hope this interview will be enlightening for all our readers in India and abroad.


November 7, 2004

We also hereby declare that the two guerrilla armies of the CPI(ML)[PW] and MCCI—the PGA and the PLGA—have been merged into the unified PLGA (Peoples’ Liberation Guerrilla Army). Hereafter, the most urgent task i.e. principal task of the party is to develop the unified PLGA into a full-fledged People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and transforming the existing Guerrilla Zones into Base Areas, thereby advancing wave upon wave towards completing the New Democratic Revolution. The formation day of the PLGA is to be December 2, the day when a people’s army was formed for the first time ever in our country in 2000, on the first anniversary of the martyrdom of the three CCMs, com. Shyam, Mahesh and Murali.

From the Press Statement,Oct. 14, 2004


First Ever Exclusive Joint Interview of the

General Secretaries of the Erstwhile

CPI(ML)(PW) & the MCCI

In the context of the merger and the formation of the CPI(Maoist) our magazine interviewed Comrade Ganapathy and Comrade Kishan, the General Secretaries of the erstwhile CPI(ML)(PW) and the MCCI at an undisclosed location. This is an exclusive interview to the People’s March and the first time ever given to the press. Both leaders first gave their Red Salutes to People’s March, being an independent magazine that reflects the Voice of the Indian Revolution. The interview was then begun with questions interspaced between the two leading comrades:

Peoples March: The Revolutionary Camp and the oppressed masses are naturally happy to hear about the unity. Why did it take such a long time; 35 years since the existence of your parties? Why did it take over two decades of talks for the unity process to culminate?

Ganapathy: It is true that the whole revolutionary camp and all the revolutionary and democratic forces, and the entire oppressed masses of India will certainly feel so happy. The formation of the unified Communist Party of India (Maoist) is a new milestone in the history of the revolutionary communist movement of India. A unified Maoist party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a long delayed and highly cherished need of the revolutionary minded and oppressed people of the country, including all our ranks, and also all the Maoist forces of South Asia and internationally. Now, this long-aspired desire and dream has been transformed into a reality.

As part of the world proletarian revolution, the Indian revolution has been advancing forward to establish a new democratic society by smashing the existing semi-colonial, semi-feudal system through the path of protracted people’s war. Our party has been leading not only the struggles of the basic masses of workers, peasants and the petti-bourgeoisie, and supporting those interests of the national bourgeoisie that come in conflict with imperialism and the comprador big bourgeoisie, but also fighting against all forms of social oppression, for the rights and emancipation of the oppressed nationalities, women, dalits and oppressed castes, minorities, etc. In this way we have won the confidence of the oppressed masses, who know that our party will stand steadfastly by them in all their woes and for their complete emancipation from all forms of oppression and exploitation. Quite naturally they will be happy with this merger. With the merger, the Party’s fighting capacity grows considerably, and, as a result, its effective striking power multiplies, thereby benefiting the masses. Over this lengthy period, where the international communist movement also has faced many splits and setbacks, the Maoist movement in India has seen some advancement and much sacrifice of the best of its cadre for this great cause. So, the entire revolutionary camp and the whole people are naturally happy to see our unity.

Now coming to the query that, why did it take such a long time for these two streams to merge. Yes, it is true that, the separate existence of our two parties’ for thirty five years, and two decades of time for the unity talks, is a long time. But to concretely understand this, we must primarily look at the historical background, and the conditions in which these two Parties emerged and developed.

In the period after the Naxalbari uprising, there were differences of opinions with regard to the immediate necessity of formation of the Party between the two leaderships. These differences could not be solved. So the CPI(ML), and MCC came into existence separately on April 22,1969 and October 20, 1969, respectively. Later, the CPI(ML) was in disarray after the martyrdom of Comrade Charu Mazumdar (CM) and the setback of the movement. The Party split into many groups and there was vacuum of leadership on whom the major sections of the party could repose confidence. Apart from this, in 1976, after the demise of Com. Mao, with the seizure of power by the capitalist roaders, the counter revolutionary renegade Hua - Deng clique in China, and the Communist Party of China (CPC) turning revisionist, there ceased to be any international proletarian leadership and a revolutionary base. This had its negative impact on the Maoist movements worldwide, where a strong right-wing and revisionist trend swept the international communist movement. It had its repercussion in India too. Because of the absence of an International leadership and a revolutionary base, the problems of unity of revolutionaries in India were compounded.

By 1980, the CPI(ML)(PW) and CPI(ML)(PU) evolved from the CPI(ML) stream, and the MCC built peasant movements and got strengthened. The CPI(ML)(PW) and the CPI(ML)(PU), from their very inception, had good relations with the MCC. The PW and MCC began unity talks from their very first meeting in 1981. However, the reason for the delay in the process was the lack of continuity of leadership. The arrest of Comrade Kondapally Seetaramaiah (KS), the leader of the PW, and later the internal crisis of the PW and split in the Central Committee (CC) delayed the unity process for several years. In the early eighties, the MCC lost its two top leaders Comrades Amulya Sen (AS) and Kanai Chatterjee (KC), which had some negative impact, resulting in further delay in the unity process. Though there was basic unity on several major issues between the two Parties, there were some serious political differences on some major issues, and also a lack of maturity of the leaderships prevented the unity from fructifying. However, in this long period the revolutionary movement has developed and expanded, and the People’s Guerrilla Army/People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PGA/PLGA) got formed and guerrilla zones have been set up with the perspective of establishing Base Areas. Now, there is much more experience of both the leaderships and greater maturity in dealing with the issues and differences, and also in realising one’s own mistakes. So, the situation was ripe for the big leap in the unity process. Thus, by analysing the objective and subjective factors for the delay in achieving the unity, we will take lessons from this experience and resolve, in the future, to strengthen the unity now achieved. Keeping the lessons in mind, we will also endeavour to unite the revolutionary forces who are outside to the CPI(Maoist).

PM: The M-L movement in India has a long history of splits; what guarantee is there that this will not be followed by a split? Can you give any assurance to the masses?

Ganapathy: Yes, in the past history there were many splits within the M-L movement. But splits are only one side of the coin; the brighter side was that there were continuous efforts to unify the revolutionaries. The CPI(ML)(PU), though it had its origins in Bengal, it spread and strengthened by unifying several revolutionary groups. The CPI(ML)(PW), though it originated in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, it unified with revolutionaries in almost all the states where it was working. The MCC too, had originated in Bengal, unified many revolutionaries groups in it in many States and became the MCCI.

The past could be broadly divided into three periods: After the setback in 1972, the main trend was splits; in the 1980s the main trend was the strengthening of the genuine revolutionary parties and the revolutionary movements, and degeneration of right and left opportunist parties and the weakening of their movements, and increasing steps towards unity; and in the decade of the 1990s the main trend was the development of the people’s war and the unification of genuine revolutionary parties and forces. These efforts finally culminated in the formation of the unified CPI(Maoist) this year.

This unified party has been formed after thoroughgoing discussions firstly held between the high level delegations of the two parties and then finalized by the Joint Central Committee meeting of both the parties. Through these deep going and constructive discussions, held on an equal footing, five different documents have been drafted and finalized. These documents are: Hold High the Bright Red Banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the Party Programme, Strategy and Tactics of the Indian Revolution, the Political Resolution on the International and Domestic Situation and the Party Constitution.

In addition to these documents it has also been decided that our beloved leaders and teachers of the respective parties, the late Com. CM and Com. KC, will be recognized and highlighted as the founding leaders of the unified party. It was also decided that both these parties, stemming from the turbulent period of the decade of the 60’s, particularly from the great Naxalbari uprising, inherited all that was revolutionary in the long history of the Indian communist movement. The peculiarity of the situation is that both these parties continued to flow as two separate streams of the revolutionary communist movement, wedded to the same cause of carrying forward the Indian revolution over the past 35 years. All these steps taken together clearly disclosed a unified understanding on almost all ideological and political questions of line. The line established provided a principled basis for the unity achieved by both the parties. Basing on this unity the Joint Central Committee meeting finally resolved to unite the two parties into a single unified party.

If we examine the history, it is true that a period has been marked with serious and agonising splits, which was a depressing feature especially after the set back in 1972. But since 1980, after the emergence of the CPI(ML)(PW) and CPI(ML)(PU), there was not been any vertical split within these parties. This is in stark contrast with the splits and degeneration in the parties of right deviation and Left sectarianism. The MCC too did not suffer any major split. And now the basis of unity has been principled and since it has been achieved after thoroughgoing discussions, it has a strong foundation.

Within the party there will be differences, and as a reflection of the class struggle in society, there would be the possibility for the emergence of non proletarian trends. There will be a fight between right and wrong within the party. All internal differences will be solved on the basis of MLM and correct methods. The Marxist method of self-criticism and criticism, conducting inner-party struggles and rectification campaigns, to weed out non proletarian trends, guarantee a strong party unity, which avoids any split. History proves that in the past too, we basically solved all major internal problems in this manner.

PM: Was your unity based on the needs to face the increased repression by the state on both your parties or on genuine unity of thought?

Kishan: In my view the merger of the MCCI (Maoist Communist Centre of India) and the CPI(ML)[PW]{Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)[People’s War]} and the birth of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) looked at from all angles, is an event of historic importance. The birth of the CPI(Maoist) will not only create a new revolutionary wave in India’s revolutionary struggles – i.e., in the development of India’s agrarian revolutionary guerrilla war and people’s war and the communist movement in India – but will also have a positive and important impact on the international communist movement.

The above mentioned can only fructify when the newly formed Party stands on a firm political, ideological and theoretical basis. Both these parties have a past 35 to 40 year long practical experience of conducting political, theoretical and revolutionary struggles. Yet they existed as two separate streams – i.e., the M-L stream and the MCC stream. To think that two such parties could take such a historic decision to unite, with just an approach to jointly facing state repression and not based on policy, could be due to subjectivism.

If you view the past 40 years history you will see that: (i) in 1969 the then "Dakshin Desh" Group (i.e., MCC) did not join the CPI(ML) formed under the leadership of Com. CM, and (ii) though 35 years have been traversed since 1969, and inspite of many rounds of unity talks, till the end full unity could not be established. The question finally before us is – why? No doubt, there existed some basic differences between the two.

These two streams have existed separately for the past 35 years because of some political and practical differences, and have yet advanced independently fighting back the massive attacks and encirclement-suppression campaigns of the state. So, how realistic would it be to think, such an important merger could take place merely with an approach to jointly face state terror?

Now I will answer your question from another angle. You must be aware of the fact that the unity talks initiated by the MCC’s founder leader, Com. KC, from 1981, with the then CPI(ML)(PW), under the leadership of Com. KS, failed in 1995. After that we were able to once again take up unity talks in February 2003. In that sitting, after serious and lengthy discussions and debates on numerous basic political and practical questions, it was possible to make a major breakthrough. Based on this positive conclusion the meeting took important decisions to carry on continuous unity talks, prepare some basic documents and conclude the unity process basing on these documents. The documents were - Hold High the Glorious Red Banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the Party Programme, the Strategy and Tactics of Indian Revolution, the Political Resolution (International and Domestic situation) and the Party Constitution.

If the main aim of this merger is to counter state repression there would have been no need to have decided to prepare the basic documents, but would have decided how to develop closer relations between the two parties to counter state terror and as to what other measures could be taken up to do so.

But that did not happen. In the course of the four rounds of bilateral discussions over the past 20 months the drafts of all these documents were prepared. Together with this, there were detailed discussions on all basic issues through which a general understanding was reached, only after which the historic decision for merger was taken.

Therefore, it can be clearly stated that it was only on the basis of agreement on basic political and organisational issues that the historic merger process could be completed and on the basis of a strong political, theoretical and organisational line was the Communist Party of India (Maoist) formed.

Now I will speak about the last part of your question. You asked whether this unity, based on ideology could be said to be a true unity. My answer is: it could be said yes, as also no. Because true unity based on ideology should not be seen in an absolute sense. It should be seen in a relative sense. In other words it can be said that this unity which is basically and principally based on theory is a true unity. But, together with this, there is a secondary aspect, i.e., to make it more based on theory and a true unity, struggle is also needed. In this case, the principal aspect is unity, and the non-principal aspect is struggle. Together with this, dialectical materialism shows us that true unity based on theory can only be possible through the dialectical process of unity-struggle-unity. If we look at all questions from the Maoist approach of "One divides into two", it is only in the long process of negating the negative aspects and strengthening the positive aspects that we can further the process in a correct way to achieve true unity based on principles.

Finally, in reply to your question, I would like to make one point regarding your question: it is absolutely impossible to fight state repression without a strong political-theoretical foundation and a correct Marxist military line. So, without a politically and theoretically strong Party we can’t achieve any thing.

PM: Given that you had such a bad chapter which went so far as to be involved in mutual killing how were you able to resolve these serious differences and even proceed towards unity with such speed?

Kishan: The first major point in the relations between our two parties was to develop a correct understanding of this bad chapter, i.e., Black Chapter in our relations. Till such a time as we both recognised this tension period as a Black Chapter it was not possible to solve the problems that had developed. Secondly, it was important to develop the understanding that we ourselves were responsible for this Black Chapter. Thirdly, it was necessary to understand that we had to make self-criticism with full frankness and sincerity of heart and mind, and also to place this self-criticism before the general rank-and-file and also the revolutionary masses.

Even the most difficult of problems can be solved if we are able to understand our own mistakes. If we grasp this feeling or only after grasping this feeling, there will be no hesitation whatsoever for a genuine and objective self-criticism. Precisely this happened regarding the solution to the problems associated with the Black Chapter. Today, both of us have done and continue to do self-criticism with frankness and on the correct aspects of this problem. We have both placed our written self-criticisms openly before the revolutionary rank-and-file and masses; and in future too we will adopt a similar method.

Through this process we have been able to successfully convert this Black Chapter into a new and bright chapter. Only through this process – i.e., through the process of genuine self-criticism – have we been able to convert a bad thing into a good thing.

When this problem was correctly solved the unity process was bound to advance – and this is what in fact happened.

You asked as to how it was possible to advance with such speed towards unity? Well, I think, such a question is absolutely natural, given the Black Chapter that existed. But, it must also not be forgotten that in the past, in the long fraternal relations between the MCCI and the CPI(ML)[PW] the aspect of cordial, strong and fraternal relations was principal, while the aspect of the black chapter was secondary. If you reflect on the past 24 years friendly relations between the two parties and many bilateral meetings on the joint activities and on political issues, you will find that there is a long history of political debate behind today’s unity. Therefore if you see it in totality, this final unity may be seen to have been achieved quickly, but that is not fully so – in reality. In fact only by adopting a correct Marxist-Leninist method and after quite heated political debate over a period could we successfully complete this process and achieve unity.

PM: There are still some revolutionary groups in the country, what is your united party’s approach to them?

Ganapathy: It is true that, there are still some revolutionary groups in the country and also many genuine revolutionary forces in the right opportunist parties of the revolutionary camp. In addition, there are numerous individual comrades, who do not belong to any Party at present. But they were part of one or the other ML Groups at some point of time. They are also part of the revolutionary camp in the country. We seek to unite all genuine revolutionary groups, forces and elements that remain still outside our unified Party. So, one of the important tasks of our Party building is to unite all these forces. We will make serious efforts to realise this task in a principled manner, by conducting thorough and consistent struggles against revisionism and all non-proletarian tendencies, within the revolutionary camp, like reformism, economism, parliamentarism, postmodernism, etc, which seek to divert the masses from the path of revolution. For this we conduct polemics on political and ideological questions and tactics.

PM: What will the impact of this unity be on the people of the country?

Kishan: I think this unity and the birth of the CPI(Maoist) will have an unprecedented positive impact on whole of the masses including workers, peasants and all the toiling masses of India. In reality the pro-people mask of the various Gandhian vote mongering and fake Communist Parties have to a large extent been exposed. For long the people of India have been waiting for such a party that is capable of leading them in their liberation struggle. From the point of view of the masses, the emergence of the CPI(Maoist) which is equipped with the experience of conducting revolutionary class struggle and agrarian revolutionary guerrilla war, is a very important event. That is why it can definitely be said that this unity will have a positive impact on the people of the country.

But this is only one aspect concerning the birth of this new Party. Regarding other aspects it can certainly be said that with the announcement of the new Party, all the enemy and revisionist forces will go insane with anger. The above two factors will definitely occur.

PM: Now coming to other questions. What have your two parties achieved in the last 35 years long history of your existence? What is the contribution of your parties to the development of the political and ideological line of Indian revolution?

Ganapathy: If we look at the last 35 years of our past history, amongst all the confusions and setbacks that raged in the communist movement of India and in many countries, we have to a large extent, been basically successful in applying MLM to the concrete conditions of the Indian revolution and have got many significant achievements.

The Unified Party with a collective leadership saw the emergence of an ideologically and politically mature party — a party of a new type – that has developed and steeled itself through decades of intense class struggles and in the course of advancing the Guerrilla War. In the process we have also developed the Party line in the concrete conditions of the Indian revolution. And it is only by successfully doing this have we been able to grow into the type of force that we are today. With the present unity we have achieved unity of most of the revolutionary forces in India. This in itself is an outstanding achievement. Now our party has acquired an All India character which has spread to over a dozen states. In some states like, AP, Bihar, Jharkhand, and Chhathisgarh we are a significant force. The United Party has not only united the revolutionaries within India, it has forged formidable fraternal relations in South Asia by take part in forming the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) and also with revolutionary parties abroad especially with those parties which are waging PPW.

For the first time in the country, our two parties have formed a People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army and have developed Guerrilla Zones, and intensified Guerrilla War with a view to advance towards the formation of Base Areas. In some of these Guerrilla Zones we have been able to establish the Revolutionary People’s Political Power in an embryonic form. This alone is a substantial achievement in the face of the enemy’s fascist encirclement and several suppression campaigns. Over the years the PLGA has been systematically strengthened from a small to a bigger force. This is reflected in: the growth from small skirmishes with the enemy to bigger battles; from small formations to bigger formations; from a few in numbers to larger numbers; to the development of a more systematic structure of commands and commissions; and, its greater ability to arm itself with the seizure of arms from the enemy. The PLGA, though it is still small, with its heroic actions and with more than two decades of continuous and consistent armed tactical counter offensives against the State police and various Special Forces and various paramilitary forces, became the apple of the people’s eye and a nightmare to the ruling classes.

By thoroughgoing debates and discussions on the Party crises we took lessons. These inner party struggles gave a better understanding on how to conduct two-line struggle on the basis of democratic centralism with the aim of achieving a greater level of unity, and with the aim of defeating the wrong line or rectifying wrong deviations. In the process of two-line struggles, the Party leadership and the whole Party got steeled and a collective leadership evolved. This is one of the remarkable achievements.

We have worked out specific policies for the various oppressed sections of the people, like the nationalities, dalits and other oppressed castes, women, minorities, etc. from the class viewpoint of the proletariat, and have lead many struggles on these issues.

In the areas where we are a force to reckon with, we have taken up issues of political, economic, social, and cultural oppression extensively and people have achieved substantial victories, including construction and developmental activities, where people’s political power is being established by restricting the political power of the enemy classes. In these areas the people are relatively more politically conscious, well organized, and better off with improved working and living conditions compared to the other regions. Now, they have more self-confidence, they have gained literacy and knowledge, they are able to stand upright with self-respect against all authority and they are free from the tyranny and terror of the landed elite, government officials, etc.

Regarding the development of the political and ideological line, the united party has definitely enriched the party line. While adhering firmly to the respective parties’ basic line, which was formulated in the basic documents of earlier period of both the parties, latter we enriched several concepts basing on the rich experiences acquired in advancing the people’s war over these years taking into account the political developments of the past three and a half decades. We firmly fought against both "Right" and "left" deviations that were seen in the forging of the three magic weapons of revolution – the Party, Army and the UF – and in the formulation of tactics. It achieved a higher level of understanding regarding the concepts such as that of people’s army, guerrilla zones, Base Areas and the Revolutionary United Front; on persisting along the path of protracted people’s war, creatively applying the Maoist strategy to the concrete conditions in India and rejecting entirely the parliamentary form of struggle in the concrete conditions of India; building a secret Party with an underground structure with Professional Revolutionaries (PRs) forming its core; consistently adhering to the revolutionary mass line and building powerful mass movements linking them to the Protracted People’s War (PPW); etc.

The united party addressed the ideological-political questions confronting the International Communist Movement today such as : the guiding ideology of the proletariat, the General Crisis of Capitalism and its impact on the world revolution, the question of the principal contradiction, the danger of world war, the understanding on the nature of the present Era, the significance of national liberation struggles and the need to unify the two streams of the World Socialist Revolution, and, finally, the danger of revisionism in the International Communist Movement (ICM). The united party thus enriched the party’s understanding on the above questions concerning the contemporary world situation and the ICM and adopted clear-cut proletarian stand-points.

In a nutshell, we can say that the two erstwhile parties have continued the ideological and political legacy of Naxalbari, and, while imbibing all the positive aspects, have further developed the line. The development of the line to the concrete conditions is embedded in the now formulated documents — MLM, Party Programme, Party Constitution, Strategy and Tactics, and a Political Resolution on the current situation.

PM: What is the development of the political, organisational and military line since the 1996 Conference of the MCC?

Kishan: Even today, at the international plane, the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nationalities and people is the principal and decisive contradiction. Due to the continuously deepening and increasing crisis of imperialism, the inter-imperialist contradictions are also intensifying gradually. Asia, Africa and Latin America have become the storm centres of Revolution. Revolution is the main trend in the world today and revisionism is the main danger in the present era. Because of the above conditions, the world situation is day-by-day becoming more favourable for revolution.

We drew these conclusions in our 1996 Conference and we follow this even today. In our November 2002 Central Committee meeting, after much discussion and analysis we reversed our earlier understanding that "Russia was a weak superpower" and concluded that this earlier assessment was wrong. In this meeting we also concluded that US imperialism was a superpower and declared it the number one enemy of the world people.

In our analysis of the domestic situation we had seen that under the domination of the US imperialists, various imperialist forces are in the fray to increase their influence in the country. All the governments, from the BJP alliance to the Congress and other alliances are implementing political, economic and all policies according to their wishes. Together with this the contradictions within the Indian ruling classes are also gradually growing sharper. In fact, hardly ever before has the revolutionary situation been so excellent and favourable as today. On the basis of this analysis we decided to make the formation of our red army and Base Areas as a basic, chief, central and immediate task and to advance in that direction with speed; and to select strategic areas to systematically organize the work there. In the midst of this, in January 2000 a serious debate and dispute developed in our CC through which it was decided to accept Mao Thought as Maoism; and we took the decision that Maoism is a completely new stage, as a third, higher and qualitative development in the history of advancement of Marxism. Besides this, through an equally intense internal struggle we took a very important decision in this meeting to unilaterally stop all clashes with the erstwhile PW. In addition to this we also took a decision to stand by our earlier understanding of Stalin, basing on Comrade Mao’s assessment of him in the course of the Great Debate.

In January 2000, the decision was taken to name Mao Thought as Maoism. But after this an opportunist group emerged in our Party that opposed this decision and which sought to put hurdles in the task of building the army and base areas. By launching a relentless struggle against them we were able to demolish them. At this time we also took initiative at the international plane to forge unity with genuine Maoists, and as part of this acquired membership to RIM. Similarly, at the national level we gave primary importance to unite genuine Maoists. And in this we also achieved success. Together with this, the erstwhile MCCI made major advances in all spheres. Major leaps were taken in strengthening all party committees, including the central committee, in both quality and quantity; and also in the sphere of determining a correct direction towards giving a well organized form to a Maoist military line and military organisation. We formed the most important department like the Central Military Commission and on April 22, 2003 announced the formal formation of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA). In the past few years this brave army has fought many a great and heroic battle. The fight and guerrilla attacks of Tekari, Pretshilla, Topchanchi, Churchu, Chandrapura, Simrahni and Saranda are some good examples of such glorious battles. In short it can be said that the erstwhile MCCI, after its second central conference in 1996, and particularly after 2000, carried out a sharp two line struggle in the Party and defeated the incorrect line both theoretically and practically. And in the process, compared to earlier, we have been able in taking a qualitative leap in all matters.

PM: Both your parties are confined primarily to the most backward forest belts of the country. Why in these 35 years of existence have you not been able to have much impact on the plains and urban areas, where the bulk of the population live?

Ganapathy: In absolute terms what you say is not true that we are confined to the forests alone. Of course, it is true that our movement is stronger in the forests than in the plains and urban areas. This focus is linked to our path. Depending on the specific characteristics of the Indian revolution, we decided that the path of revolution is that of protracted people’s war. That is by first setting up Base Areas in the backward areas and spreading these to the other areas and thereby ultimately encircling the cities from the countryside. So, it is according to this strategic understanding alone that work must be done in any area, whether forest, plain or urban. The forests and mountainous areas quite naturally get priority as these are the strategic areas where Base Areas can be set up. But, it is not correct to say that we have ignored the plain areas. We have built extensive anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggles in the plain areas in AP and Bihar. Even today our Party is working in the plain areas in some states. In fact, in AP and B-J states much of our cadres, leadership and even the prestige of the movement were gained by developing the revolutionary movement in the plain areas. We built strong movements in several forest areas starting from and relying on the plain areas for our subjective forces and material help and concrete experience.

In the process we suffered severe leadership and cadre losses due to the most cruel and fascist suppression campaigns by the enemy, and due to our shortcomings. Accordingly we are trying to formulate and change our tactics — forms of organisation and struggle and method of work — in the plain areas. Acting according to our strategic plan in building the revolutionary movement in plain areas by following the path of PPW, we have gained rich experience through our practice crimsoned with the blood of thousands of martyrs; and have also learned from the experience of the armed struggles of the oppressed nationalities of the Indian sub-continent.

Keeping in the forefront our path of revolution, i.e. Protracted People’s War, we have been working in the plains, cities and villages and have consolidated our forces in the strategic areas. Before us, we have the experience of the first round of struggles of Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Birbhum, etc.; and then we also have our own direct experience of armed struggle since the end of the 1970s. This experience has itself proved the validity of the path of protracted people’s war. So, while focusing on the strategic areas, we have worked also in the plains and urban areas coordinating this latter work with that of the strategic areas. If we did not have this orientation we too would have gone into right deviations like so many of the other M-L parties and groups.

Revolution cannot develop according to one’s own wishes; it will follow certain laws determined depending on the nature of Indian society, and the stage of the revolution. The general laws of PPW have to be applied to the specific characteristics of the Indian revolution. In the revolutionary process, it is for us to discover these laws and act accordingly in the most effective manner.

Today we are strong in the forest areas as these are the perspective areas for setting up Bases; where we are intensifying and expanding the class struggle for the seizure of political power, even though the starting point of our work has been the plain areas.

We are also concentrating on the forest areas for the strategic needs of building a strong people’s army and establishing people’s political power by politically mobilising the vast masses and smashing the state power of the enemy classes. We are coordinating the three types of movement (broadly) — forest, plain and urban — with each other according to the principles of PPW.

The specificity of the Indian revolutionary process is that the M-L movement faced a severe setback and splits after the historic revolutionary movements of Naxalbari, Srikakulam, etc. Another aspect of this specificity is the existence and continuation of two independent Maoist streams — M-L stream and the MCC stream — in the country. Yet, despite these ups and downs, we have recovered from the setback and rebuilt the revolutionary movement, and have been step-by-step unifying the revolutionary forces in the country. The unity of our two major Maoist streams is the most positive aspect of this process.

Despite these positive developments, the revolutionary forces are still weak in urban areas, and the revisionist leadership has still many influential pockets. There is a danger of revisionism which has a countrywide domination over the trade unions, a wide influence in the urban areas and even amongst the peasantry in some parts of the country, despite their feeble base. It is also exists in the government and has a wide influence in three states. The revisionists, under the garb of the red flag, propagate bourgeois ideology and politics, and adopt reformist tactics. It acts as one of the main props of the rule of the reactionary ruling classes in the country. It is one of the main sources of injecting parliamentarism, economism, reformism into the body politics of the oppressed masses and has become a major hurdle in building and developing the working class and urban movements. Due to the long influence of revisionist politics and practice in some areas there will need for much patience, consistency and creative revolutionary initiatives to make a breakthrough.

The cities and towns are the bastions of the imperialists and the Indian ruling classes. Yet, in a few towns and cities we had built powerful working-class movements, and these movements had created panic amongst the imperialists and the ruling classes and created a positive impact on the people, particularly the working class, students and intellectuals. But, they have faced many losses. Today, though we are a weak force in urban areas, we have a presence in many cities and towns in several states and are trying to develop the working class and the urban movement, which is also being influenced by the growing armed struggles in the rural areas.

Finally, I would like to conclude that with great determination we will strive to advance and expand the Guerrilla war to establish Base Areas in the strategic areas; we will refine and develop our tactics to rebuild, consolidate and expand the revolutionary movement in the vast plains of India, to advance the People’s War to drown the enemy in the great ocean of the class struggles of the vast masses; and we will rebuild, consolidate and expand the working class and urban movement in cities and towns, keeping in mind the strategic direction and the changing socio-economic- political conditions of our country.

India is a highly diverse and complex social system and a country of enormous size; here, the enemy is much stronger; and the interests of the imperialists in India are greater because of its geo-political and economic situation. Hence the odds are heavy; so, it will no doubt take more time, particularly in the plain and urban areas. But we are taking lessons from our experiences with regard to the work in the plain and urban areas. We will concentrate our work in the strategic areas to develop the People’s Army, and intensify the armed agrarian revolutionary war and establish Base Areas; coordinate this work with the work in the plain and the urban areas in a planned way with a strategic outlook by keeping in mind the dialectical relationship between these three types of areas; and we will make a breakthrough in building powerful movements in plain and urban areas. So, I firmly say that, our advance is inevitable.

PM: In what way will your unity have impact on the development of the guerrilla war in the country? How will you face the massive onslaught of the Indian state? What concrete tasks have you set yourself to achieve Base Areas?

Kishan: We believe that the direct impact of our unity will be most on the ongoing guerrilla war in the country. Also due to this, the agrarian revolutionary guerrilla war will attain a new inspiration and new dynamism, a new energy, and a new upheaval and will thereby expand and intensify throughout the entire country. Especially, when our erstwhile armies of the PGA and PLGA will unite into the newly formed PLGA, this can be said with much greater certainty.

As far as the question of countering the massive onslaughts of the Indian state machinery is concerned, we think that not only we will be able to give them a fitting reply, but also completely smash them through the creative application of our strategy and tactics to the path of protracted people’s war in India. In fact, one of the reasons that determine the specific application of the strategy and tactics to the path of protracted people’s war is that the enemy is strong and masses weak. But this strength of the enemy and weakness of the masses is relative. This truth has been proved by our struggles over the last few years. Compared to earlier we have now, acquired some greater strength, while to some extent the enemy’s strength had definitely reduced in relative terms. Besides, in a huge country like India, it is not possible for the enemy to deploy its forces everywhere, particularly in the distant and widespread rural areas. Therefore, facing all types of difficulties and crossing all hurdles we can definitely smash to pieces the Indian state machinery and beat back their fierce attacks if we, on the one hand, make the rural areas the main centre of our work, while on the other, if we intensify our work amongst urban workers and all the toiling masses and bring a proper balance between both these types of work. Simultaneously we will have to recruit lakhs and crores of the masses into the military battles to conduct the revolutionary mass movements and at the same time bring a correct coordination between the two.

Therefore, one very important task before us is to bring a proper balance between the armed struggle and the widespread activities and movements of the masses and thereby develop and extend both.

No doubt, to establish Base Areas we have determined some definite tasks. For example, developing through Guerrilla Zones and Guerrilla Bases we will have to move in the direction towards establishing Base Areas. Together with this we have to strengthen in every way, the formations of all three forces of the PLGA – the Basic, Secondary and Main forces; and through a proper command system a correct coordination has to be developed between them. In addition, within a fixed time frame the military formations have to be developed from the company to the battalion level. In this way, through both qualitative and quantitative development, the PLGA has to be turned into a PLA.

If we are able to complete these tasks in a correct way, and we are able to draw vast sections of the masses into the guerrilla war and also into the various other forms of struggle, then we can definitely achieve victory in the protracted people’s war, no matter how long, tortuous and difficult the process may be, facing the numerous twists and turns and ups and downs in the march forward.

PM: Now to turn to other questions linked to the political impact of your movement. Your parties did not seem to have much impact to fight against the massive imperialist penetration into the country? Why? Also there seems little impact on the fight against the monster of Hindu fascism …. Why?

Kishan: See, from one point of view, it is true that the impact of revolutionary struggles against imperialist intervention in the country cannot much be seen. To some extent this is even a fact. Firstly our subjective force is quite less than what is needed, and even of that which exists, the strength in the urban areas and industrial areas is far less compared to the rural areas. That is why the extent it is needed to develop the workers movement and various other movements, we have not been able to do so. Therefore we have not been able to intensify the struggle against imperialism as is needed. While on the other hand, the other so-called anti-imperialists, like the parliamentary and revisionist parties and the NGOs, are nothing but a farce and a deception.

In reality the basis for real opposition to imperialism is only in the hands of genuine Maoists and revolutionaries. Therefore, even if at present the anti-imperialist struggle is somewhat weak, by rectifying our weaknesses in this sphere, we can definitely create and advance a strong movement against imperialist intervention, based on a correct approach to the issue. Though, on this issue, we are somewhat late, we can definitely advance this movement by adopting correct methods.

On the question of the struggle against Hindu fascism too there are a host of fake anti-communal forces. In such a situation it is no easy task, where, on the one hand we have to draw a clear-cut line of demarcation with such forces, and on the other create and develop a genuine movement against Hindu fascism. In the true sense, problems like communalism and Hindu fascism can actually only be solved by developing and extending the class struggle. That is why you will find that in those areas where Maoist revolutionaries have influence there communal riots will be seen to be relatively less.

Therefore, by focussing on worker-peasant unity and by being able to build our revolutionary mass base amongst them through patient work, will we be able to build and conduct a genuine movement against communalism, religious fanaticism and Hindu fascism in a correct way and in correct direction.

So, perhaps it is not fully true to say that the impact of the revolutionary movement against the problems of communalism or Hindu fascism is very little. But, it is no doubt true, given the way the RSS gang are instigating communalism and provoking riots in India today, our response in giving an effective answer to them has been far less than what the situation requires. We are confident that the initiative we have now taken to rectify this shortcoming and the process we have recently started with soon bear fruits.

PM: How do you view the impact of US/Globalisation policies on our country?

Kishan: I am of the opinion that the imperialist, particularly US imperialist-promoted globalisation, has had a very bad impact on the life of our people and the national life of the country. These policies have pushed to devastation the living standards of every level of the people. If these are not stopped in the next few years it will have a horrifying impact. We believe that it is only the advancing agrarian revolutionary guerrilla war together with the development and expansion of widespread militant mass movements that can successfully complete the people’s revolution, which alone can free our country from the dangerous effects of globalisation.

PM: India is such a diverse country of nationalities, dalits and various castes, minority groupings, linguistic sections etc. How do you expect to unite such diverse elements, all of whom face not only class oppression but also varied forms of social oppression?

Ganapathy: Women, dalits, Adivasis, oppressed nationalities and religious minorities are the most important of the social sections to be taken cognisance of by the party of the proletariat leading the revolution in the concrete conditions prevailing in India. All these sections have special problems of their own and specific types of extra-economic oppression apart from class oppression. We have to pay due attention to solve their special problems, like patriarchy, untouchability and other forms of caste oppression, attacks on minorities and oppressed nationalities, etc and approach these problems from a class view-point. We also have to link these tasks with the ongoing revolutionary movement. Towards this end, we have to not only bring these sections into class organizations along with other oppressed masses, but also evolve the necessary forms of organizations and forms of struggle for the widest mobilization of these sections on their special problems both on a short-term and long-term basis. Broader joint fronts too should be formed wherever and whenever necessary to address the specific grievances.

However, while taking up specific tactics on the special problems related to these sections, we should keep in mind that the tactics should always serve our strategic line. We should place the specific programme for the solution of their specific problems in relation to, and in the overall context of, the on-going people’s war in the country. We must educate these sections how their problems are essentially class questions; how the material basis for the final solution of their problems lies in liberating themselves from class oppression; and hence, the imperative need for waging war against the common enemies — feudalism, imperialism, and comprador bureaucrat capitalism, that are oppressing the vast toiling masses in the country — unitedly with other oppressed masses under the leadership of the proletariat.

We must demonstrate in practice how the people’s war and the ongoing class struggle is bringing these sections increasingly into the centre stage; how the latent potential and creative energies, the revolutionary initiative and capacities of these oppressed sections are being released in the course of the people’s war and the deepening class struggle. It is only by paying special attention and making conscious efforts, based on concrete planning, by the leadership of the Party to develop the oppressed among these sections, that we can bring a qualitative change in their overall status in the Party and position in the revolutionary movement

By pursuing the above-mentioned general line and approach, we will be able to draw the clear line of demarcation with the bourgeois parliamentary and revisionist parties, with the reformist Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and other petty bourgeois organizations, as well as with the so-called Communist Revolutionary organizations in our country with regard to the solution of the problems of these special social sections. This can be done by demarcating with the wrong approaches to these issues from the proletarian approach. At the same time we must fight against the mechanistic approach that ignores these social issues and thereby indirectly acts to perpetuate all these social evils. Conscious efforts have to be made amongst the males and upper castes from the oppressed to educate them against their patriarchal and casteist views. We must also take up consistent political exposure of the various bourgeois-revisionist-reformist trends within the movements of these sections.

The Party must also fight against non-proletarian values inside itself that may manifest in subtle forms of patriarchy, casteism and caste biases, elitism and turning a blind eye to the rights of the oppressed sections. On the other hand it must also educate comrades who may be influenced by the varied post-modernist trends, bourgeois feminism, Dalitsism, narrow nationalism, etc.

It is only by remaining loyal to the politics of the proletariat and the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and maintaining its own political and organisational independence that the working class can give leadership and liberate the peoples from the sectarian approach to all these social evils and arouse them and bring them into the path of the revolutionary democratic struggle in its true sense (as part and parcel of the new democratic revolution). Yet, it must be understood that merely the new democratic revolution will not do away totally all these social evils. Though the objective basis of an exploitative social system may not exist, it will continue to manifest in the superstructure — in people’s thinking and social/cultural norms and value. So, even after the victory of the revolution in the new democratic and socialist societies, the struggle will have to be continued in all realms of thinking and social practice.

PM: Today the dog-fights amongst the ruling classes are intensifying; how do you plan to use this to your advantage?

Kishan: The fact is that revolutionaries always utilise the growing contradictions within the ruling factions in order to advance the revolution. But it must be remembered that in India as yet there is no clear-cut polarisation due to these contradictions and none of these contradictions have reached the level of a war. Another point is that while they fight like dogs for the spoils of office, they get united when it comes to suppressing the revolutionary struggles. But of course, there are also contradictions amongst them, as to what policy is best used against the revolutionaries – soft or strong.

That is why this question is such a question which demands serious thought as to how this contradiction can be used in the interests of revolution. In order to effectively utilise the contradiction within these ruling classes to further the revolutionary struggle all the following points must be analysed and considered – the concrete condition of the revolutionary armed struggle and its nationwide impact; the condition of our subjective forces, particularly of the Party, People’s Army and United Front, and its impact on the people of the country; and the question of our ability to keep the initiative in our hands and our ability to effectively intervene on the varied political issues of the day.

In this matter I want to say one more thing, in the present condition I don’t think it is correct to ally with one section of the ruling class parties in the name of utilizing contradictions among them.

PM: Now coming to international questions. What is the significance of Maoism in the contemporary world? Can it help analyse the big changes taking place and give a perspective for the future in the present context?

Kishan: We have accepted Maoism as the Marxism-Leninism of today. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is in itself an integrated whole. It is such a dynamic science that, with its help one can better analyse all the branches of science. With it, we can correctly analyze anything or event and draw conclusions.

We know that Marxism does not merely interpret the world, but determines the laws that govern its change. Accordingly, what ever changes have taken place in the world today or all the changes that have taken place since the very beginning of the imperialist era, till date, can only have been correctly analysed in the light of the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This will apply to the future as well. Together with this, we must remember that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the guide to all our activities. Therefore, it acts as the theoretical guide to understand even big changes that may have taken place in any new conditions. We have to do our work not in a dogmatic way but apply it creatively.

In addition, to understand the future, within the framework of the present can only be done in the light of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Development of the world situation takes place only through the process of passing through various ups and down, the zig-zag path and through the process of advancing through both victories and defeats. Even all advances in the world and the social system too go through this process and will also continue to do so in this way.

Therefore, I am of the firm opinion that to understand today’s world and find solutions to its varied problems, the use of Maoism is of a historical and international significance.

PM: How do you plan to develop relations with other revolutionary forces throughout the world? What impact will this unity have on the international communist movement?

Kishan: We communists are internationalists. This internationalism is best reflected through our slogan – Workers and oppressed people of the world unite! For the advance of the world communist movement there is utmost necessity to establish strong fraternal relations between the revolutionary struggles of the colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries and the working class movements in the capitalist-imperialist countries. With this approach, one of our important duties is to establish strong relations with all genuine Maoist parties in the world. From earlier itself both the erstwhile MCCI and the erstwhile CPI(ML)[PW] have continued bilateral relations with Nepal, Peru, Philippines, Turkey and other countries at the international level. The erstwhile MCCI had even joined the RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement), while the erstwhile PW had decided to further deepen its relations with RIM.

Now when a new Party – the CPI(Maoist) – is born, by following revolutionary traditions, the party has decided to continue its deep relations with RIM and all other genuine Maoists.

As India is a vast populated country, the unity of India’s two important revolutionary organisations – the erstwhile MCCI and PW – will definitely have a very positive impact at the international plane. Today there is no socialist country in the world. Today, when the reactionaries are shouting from the roof tops that Marxism and Communism has been defeated, the merger of the erstwhile MCCI and PW and the formation of a genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party, is such an event, that too in a vast country with a population of one billion, that can give new life to the international communist movement. To the extent that we will be able to intensify revolutionary guerrilla agrarian war – i.e., protracted people’s war – under the leadership of the new Party, to that extent new energy will be infused into the International Communist Movement.

PM: You have been always saying for the last 35 years the situation in the world is excellent for revolution. If so why are the Maoist forces in the world so weak?

Ganapathy: Yes, the objective situation is in general terms excellent. The objective situation is very excellent in the third world or backward countries or oppressed countries or semi-colonies and colonies and the revolutionary objective situation is developing in the imperialist countries. But, why is there this contradiction that you mentioned? How can we understand this?

We should understand that there is a dialectical link between the objective and the subjective factors; it is not a mechanical interconnection or a one-to-one relationship. If there was such a mechanical relation everything would be pre-determined and revolution would take place in the backward countries first only. Lenin said that, to a revolutionary situation to mature, both the objective and subjective factors must develop and then alone revolution breaks out at the weakest link. Though, today the storm centres of world revolution are the backward countries and there the conditions are acute; in which of these countries revolution takes place is dependent on numerous factors. Similarly, the development and growth of genuine proletarian parties (Maoist parties) is determined not merely by the extent of poverty but by the political content of the general democratic movement in that country and the growth of genuine proletarian forces within it.

With the advent of imperialism, the crisis of capitalism took the form of a General crisis and ripened the objective condition for social revolution. The principal characteristic feature of the general crisis of capitalism in the era of imperialism is that capitalism as a whole is bogged down in a state of under-utilisation of capacity and permanent mass unemployment and inflation. The continuous massive destruction of productive forces through world wars and proxy wars, through under-utilisation of productive capacities of millions upon millions of people and the destruction of surplus commodities, even as millions of people languish in destitution; are all features of imperialism.

The general crisis of capitalism brought forth all the fundamental contradictions in society to a bursting point — that between capital and labour, between imperialism and the oppressed nations and people, and between the various imperialist powers and monopoly capitalist groups. The conflict of the productive forces with the existing relations of production thus took on an explosive form ever since the advent of imperialism, leading to fascism, world wars and social revolutions. These will continue until the final victory of the World Socialist Revolution over the world capitalist system.

The present day world is under a great disorder, turbulence and instability rarely witnessed after the Second World War. The collapse of Soviet Social imperialism and the complete integration of erstwhile bureaucratic capitalist states of East Europe, Soviet Union in the 1990s and China into world capitalist system have not mitigated the crisis of world capitalism. This ever intensifying crisis of the world capitalist system is the basis for the chaos, turmoil and instability which has become the characteristics of the contemporary world situation. After the 11th September incident, in the name of fighting against terrorism US imperialism is unleashing a series of wars of aggression and carrying out attacks on the people all over the world. This has generated a powerful backlash from the people, in various forms. Thus a new situation has emerged where instability and turmoil have deepened further.

Today, imperialism is facing an unprecedented worldwide crisis, unheard of ever since the end of the Second World War. All the fundamental contradictions are further sharpening. A new tide of revolutionary struggles, national liberation struggles and various people’s movements against imperialist aggression, oppression, exploitation and the reactionary ruling classes is unfolding everywhere. There is great need to utilise this favourable situation to make great leaps in the ongoing people’s war in our country and advance towards the establishment of a new democratic state and then march foreword to socialism.

Vast areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are continuing as the storm centres of world revolution. Guerrilla war against US occupation is intensifying in Iraq and Afghanistan. People’s war, under the leadership of the Maoist parties in India, Nepal, Philippines, Peru and Turkey, is advancing. The workers and vast sections of the masses in imperialist countries are fighting militantly against the policies of globalisation and war. Genuine revolutionary parties based on MLM are emerging in several capitalist countries. All this acts to weaken imperialism.

Yet, relative to the 1960s and 70s, the proletarian movement is weaker. The principal reason for this is the growth of the revisionist trends worldwide and the betrayal of the national liberation movements of the 60s and the 70s. The reversals in the Soviet Union (1956) and then in China (1976) and the conversion of the Communist Party Of Soviet Union (CPSU) and the CPC into revisionist parties fuelled rightist and revisionist parties throughout the world. The restoration of capitalism in these former socialist societies and the disintegration of the socialist camp had a very negative impact on the advance of the world revolution. Utilising the situation of this setback the imperialists went on an ideological and political offensive against communism trying to show it as being outdated and floating various new forms of dissent theories. On the other hand most of the genuine communist revolutionary forces were in disarray and ideological and political confusion rife with no international centre. It is these factors that have resulted in the relative weakening of the Maoist forces today. In addition the massive, genocidal repression unleashed on all revolutionary forces (as witnessed in Indo-China, Latin America, and now Asia) further created impediments in growth.

But today, with the conditions worldwide becoming even more horrifying and the regrouping of genuine Maoist forces and the birth of new ones, the revolutionary situation is bound to advance. The relatively faster growth of the PPW in Nepal is a concrete example of the excellence of revolutionary situation. If Maoist parties emerge in various countries and take concrete tactics, under a correct strategy, they are bound to advance. To do so there is a need to correctly grasp MLM; know the nature of the imperialist era and grasp the historical task of the world working class and its Vanguard Parties; prepare the subjective forces; politically mobilise and lead the masses in the class struggles and advance the revolutionary wars to success.

PM: Finally, what message does your united Party have for the people of the country?

Ganapathy: Finally, our United Party calls on the people of India and the world over to:

Unite! Unite! And Unite! Unite all the revolutionary and democratic classes and forces of our country — workers, peasantry, petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie, including all the oppressed social sections — under the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)!!

Organize! Organize! And Organize! Organize in the Revolutionary Mass Organisations, Red Army, and the Organs of New Political Power under the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)!!

Struggle! Struggle! And Struggle! Struggle to break the chains of Imperialism, Feudalism and Comprador Bureaucrat Capitalism for liberation! Struggle for great victories to triumph countrywide political power! No force, however mighty, can suppress the people’s struggles permanently! Ultimately Victory of the revolution is inevitable! It is the law of transformation of class society! Final defeat is only of the enemy! Final victory is only of the oppressed messes!!

We give a similar call to the working class, oppressed nations and the people of all countries — Unite, Organize and intensify the struggle against imperialism and all reaction, for the advancement and success of the world socialist revolution under the leadership of the genuine proletarian Parties!!!






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