Volume 5, No. 11-12, November-December 2004

It was a solemn occasion. The evening of September 21 2004; somewhere in the thick jungles of India. Senior leader of the new CC(P), Com. Shome, declared to the audience of guerrilla fighters, cultural activists and senior Party leaders the birth of a single, unified proletarian party in India — the Communist Party of India (Maoist); the CPI(Maoist). This was the result of the confluence of two major streams of the Indian revolution, that of the CPI(ML) and that of the MCCI, into a mighty river of the CPI(Maoist). Except for a very brief period during 1969-1972, when the CPI(ML) was in existence, this is the first time that the country has a single, unified proletarian party. The CPI/CPM revisionists, have caused enormous damage to the great revolutionary traditions of the Indian people. Though some genuine Maoist forces still remain out of this new Party, the major two streams of the Indian Maoist are now one. The strong desire of the revolutionary ranks and progressive forces of the entire country, together with that of the aspirations of the more conscious sections of the oppressed masses, including the South Asian and International Maoist forces has, at last, been fulfilled. A genuine communist party is at last born on the Indian soil, nurtured by the blood of over 6,000 martyrs. Above all, it is a tribute to the aspirations and hopes of the heroic martyrs, who gave their lives for the cause of the liberation of our country, firstly from despotic British rule, and then from imperialism, feudalism, and Comprador Bureaucratic Capitalism.

It has been a long and tortuous path of over two decades of discussions between the two parties. The process witnessed many ups and downs. It saw even some dark periods. But finally it emerged triumphant.

The first ever meeting between the latter two parties began in 1981, when the then leaders, comrade Kanai Chatterjee of the then MCC and com KS of the then CPI(ML)(PW) met for over 12 days. After this very first meet both leaders, though belonging to different streams, stated that the grounds to merge are strong as both were basically traversing a similar path. Both parties set out the procedure for preparation of the documents and then merger. Meanwhile, the erstwhile CPI(ML)[Party Unity] also had good relations with the then MCC, both having regular touch. This too continued until the early 1990s, after which relations soured and clashes began.

Though the desire for unity of the PW and the MCC was strong it did not progress much, because of various reasons. In 1982 com. KC died out of illness caused from the rigours of underground life and com. KS was arrested. After that the PW was rocked by two major internal crises in the CC, on both occasions involving the general secretaries of the party. Though attempts to further the unity process continued, particularly in the brief period between the two crises (1988-90), it was only after its resolution that talks were again taken up in seriousness from 1992. This continued for three years, after which it finally broke down due to some differences on international issues. Both parties issued a joint statement for the failure of the talks, outlining the differences and its suspension for the time being but vowing to take it up again later. Then relations to some extent also soured between the MCC and the PW, particularly after the merger of PW and PU.

Then in 1998 the two major parties within the M-L trend, the PW and the PU, merged to form a single party of this trend. But already the situation at the ground level in Bihar had deteriorated and after 1998 the clashes between PW and the MCC continued and intensified. Then the two parties entered the period now referred to as the "Black Chapter" of the Indian revolution. Large numbers were killed from both sides.

This situation caused much damage to the revolutionary movement. This process continued even when various genuine supporters of the movement opposed the retaliatory methods adopted by both parties. Many intellectuals and progressive elements who support revolution appealed to both the parties to stop these clashes. Different communist revolutionary groups and parties in the country appealed to resolve the clashes. Many South Asian Maoist parties, and other international Maoist forces also appealed to stop the clashes. In due course the process of rethinking was already going on inside the MCC. At the time of the PW/PU unity itself the PW took a decision to unilaterally stop clashes, but neither did it make it public nor convey it to the MCC, so it had little impact. In this overall backdrop the MCC took the initiative in openly declaring a unilateral ceasefire in January, 2000. Thereafter, PW also responded to stop the clashes. Hence the negative relation between the two parties started turning into a positive one. In the meantime the PW held its 9th Congress in August, 2001. Also the MCCI had to face a major two line struggle with a small faction from within on certain ideological-political and other issues.

Finally, the process of talks between the two parties was once again started in August 2001. The other important reason for the growing closeness of the two were the decisions of the PW Congress which rectified some of its earlier understandings and also adopted Maoism in place of Mao Thought. In the very first meeting the delegations of the two parties offered a serious self-criticism, and decisions were taken to initiate joint activities at the Bihar/Jharkhand level. The written self-criticisms were taken publicly throughout the rank-and-file of the Bihar/Jharkhand party and the situation further developed in the positive direction.

Throughout the period of the latter part of 2001 and entire 2002 major joint activities were taken in Bihar-Jharkhand including the successful three-day economic blockade of the two states in protest against POTA. Talks also continued between these two parties through this period. Finally, it was in the important Feb. 2003 bilateral meeting that a decision was taken to take concrete steps for starting discussion on ideological-political issues of line with the clear direction and purpose of merger of the two parties. In this meeting a serious and extensive self-criticism was put forward by both parties for the "Black Chapter" and this too was carried publicly. Both parties vowed never to repeat clashes with class friends no matter how severe the difference. At this meeting the grounds were also laid to advance and finalise the process of merger They were, firstly, on the ideology of the Party — Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The other documents decided to be drafted were on the Programme, Strategy & Tactics, Political Resolution on the International and Domestic Situation, and the Party Constitution. The task of drafting the five documents was divided amongst the two parties.

Then, in four rounds of negotiations, between the high-level delegations of the two Parties and the respective CCs, final agreement was reached after detailed discussions on these documents on all major issues at a joint meeting of the two CCs on Sept.2004. The documents were adopted and decided to be translated into about 10 regional languages to be discussed throughout the party. Some minor differences that remained were referred for further discussion and study to be clinched at a later date. Finally the joint CC meeting of both parties took the decision of merger and a Central Committee (Provisional) was established.

The new CC(P) of the CPI(Maoist) then took stock of the present-day situation in the country and chalked out plans on how to advance the people’s war in the country. Besides, it vowed to pursue unity measures with all the genuine Maoists in the country who have not yet been united into the party. It also decided to involve all the vast section of the masses in these struggles directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. It decided to mobilize vast sections of the masses against the growing onslaught of the imperialists on the country, against state repression together with mobilizing support for all the movements directed against imperialism and feudalism. It decided to continue to expose and resist the expansionist designs of the Indian ruling classes along with their imperialist chieftains, particularly the US imperialist. It also decided to more actively stand by the side of the Nepali people led by the CPN(Maoist) and oppose if the Indian expansionist and US imperialists designs of intervening in Nepal with their military might. It also stated to continue to support the people’s war led by the Maoist parties in Peru, Philippines, Turkey and elsewhere. It decided to continue to support all people’s struggles directed against imperialism and reaction. It will also support the working class movement and other people’s movements in the capitalist countries. Further, it decided to continue to stand by the side of the Iraqi and Afghan people in there mighty struggle against US imperialist led aggression and occupation. The new party would also continue to support the struggle of the nationalities for self-determination including the right to secession and condemn brutal state repression on these movements. It would pay special attention in mobilizing and organizing the women masses as a mighty force of the revolution, and also against caste oppression and untouchability. It would continue to expose, isolate and defeat the more dangerous Hindu fascist forces, while exposing all other fundamentalist forces. It would continue to do so while keeping the edge of the people’s struggles directed against the new Congress rulers in Delhi along with the CPI/CPM rulers and their imperialist chieftains.

It was the turbulent period of the 1960s. Turmoil raged throughout the globe. The Vietnam war saw US imperialism face major defeats at the hands of a small nation. In an unprecedented experiment the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution raged in China giving birth to the ideals of the new communist man. The Great Debate between the revolutionary centre of the CPC, and the centre of modern revisionism, the CPSU, polarised the Marxists of the world into two camps. The lines of demarcation between Marxism and revisionism, in the process, got more clearly drawn. It is in this context that many genuine and staunch communist revolutionary forces along with many outstanding and front-ranking leaders like comrades CM and KC started emerging on the scene in the fight against revisionism. This fight was reflected in the 7th Congress of the CPM held in 1964 in the form of two diametrically opposite roads — the road of parliamentarism and the road of protracted people’s war.

Thereafter, the earth-shaking events of the GPCR further surcharged the political atmosphere in India. The clarion call of the great Naxalbari movement led by Com. CM proved to be a "Spring Thunder over India" as graphically described by the CPC. It greatly unmasked the ugly face of the revisionist leadership of the CPI, CPI (M) brand. The powerful slogans like "China’s Path is Our Path" and "Mao Tsetung Thought is Our Thought" spread to the four corners of India and even other parts of the Sub-Continent. Naxalbari thus marked a qualitative rupture with age-old revisionism in the Indian communist movement and firmly established the universal truth of MLM Thought in India. The Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries was formed at the All India level and finally the CPI (ML) was formed as the reestablished Communist Party of India which firmly upheld MLM Thought, and took correct ideological-political positions on the major questions of the day, took up armed struggle along the path of PPW. The formation of the CPI (ML) was recognized by most of the Communist Revolutionaries in India and abroad. In this atmosphere a clap of spring thunder burst over the plains of Naxalbari which changed the face of Indian polity and brought armed struggle on to the agenda of Indian revolution.

Earlier itself discussions had begun in India. Around the time of the 7th Congress of the CPM in 1964 Comrade Charu Majumdar opposed the official line and began putting forward a new line for the Indian revolution. He then formulated, as part of the process of developing a new revolutionary ideological and political line for the Indian revolution, his famous Eight Documents attacking revisionism and neo-revisionism. In the process he put forward the new line which was implemented through the historic Naxalbari peasant uprising. This was greeted by revolutionaries throughout the country, the student, youth, intellectuals, and more particularly thousands of peasants. Within a short time the flames of Naxalbari spread throughout the country. Most revolutionaries of the country were immediately consolidated into a coordination committee, AICCCR (All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries) and the revolutionary party, the CPI(ML), was announced at a rally in 1969. The 8th Congress was held in 1970 that established generally and basically the correct revolutionary line for the Indian revolution. The 8th Congress was recognised by the communist revolutionaries in India and by the CPC under comrade Mao Tse-tung.

At the same time there emerged another revolutionary stream in the revolutionary movement of the country. Comrades Kanai Chatterjee and Amulya Sen, while working amongst the masses in Kolkata, Howrah and Hoogli and comrade Chandrashekar Das raised the banner of revolt against the line of the CPM 7th Congress. The "Chinta" group was formed in 1965 as a secret revolutionary centre within the CPM carrying out revolutionary propaganda amongst its rank-an-file. In 1965/66 six issues of the magazine were brought out which dealt with the following topics: (a) the class character of the Indian state, (b) China’s path is our path, (c) neo-colonialism and the weapon of PL 480’s role, (d) the Programme of the 7th Congress, the nature of the revisionist leadership and the peasant question in India, etc. The CPM’s English and Bengali organs launched a massive attacks on the articles that appeared in the "Chinta". This resulted in big discussions throughout the rank-and-file. In late 1966 the secret magazine, "Chinta", was closed down and a magazine named "Dakshin Desh" was brought out openly. The group came to be known as the "Dakshin Desh" group. In early 1967, before the Naxalbari uprising com. Kanai Chatterjee had a long discussion with Com. CM. At this meeting they had a common understanding on advancing the peasant movement and decided to maintain close relations.

But the relations did not grow. From 1967 to 1969 the then "Dakshin Desh" group built up the movement in Kolkata, Howrah, Hoogli, Midnapur, Bardhwan, Birbum and 24 Parganas, together with some work in Assam and Tripura. They built the peasant movement firstly in Sonarpur during the later part of the 60s and then in Kanksa in Bardhwan district. Thereafter they established some contacts with Bihar, it began work there. In October 1969 the MCC was formed. It was Com. Kanai Chatterjee who laid the basic line for their Centre in the very first issue of "Lal Pataka" brought out in 1969. The important topics dealt with were: (a) the importance of Maoism (then called ‘thought’) in the present era, (b) in the present situation the tactical line and tactical slogans, (c) the correct policy towards the participation in elections and a correct analysis of the boycott of elections, saying that though it was a question of tactics, it acquires the significance of strategy in the concrete conditions of India, (d) the Correct line regarding the armed agrarian revolutionary war, that is, protracted people’s war including army building and base areas (e) correct orientation towards forms of struggle (open and secret, legal and illegal, peaceful and armed), (f) the programme, tactics and methods of the peasant struggle, (g) approach and method towards the UF, (h) political propaganda (i) on the women’s question, the student movement and the nationality question in India, and (j) methods of leadership.

These two trends of the CPI(ML) and the MCC grew to be the two major streams of the Maoist movement in India. Over the last three and a half decades the former evolved into the CPI(ML)(PW) and the latter into the MCCI. The base of the first was primarily in the South, particularly Andhra Pradesh, with some pockets in the North; while the base of the latter was primarily in Bihar-Jharkhand and neighbouring areas, including some pockets in the North and in the South With the merger of these two streams into the CPI(Maoist), the major forces of Indian revolution have, at last been able to establish a Centre to lead the peoples’ war in the country.

Besides the five documents adopted, both the erstwhile parties presented a self-critical systematic review of their past with in depth analysis into all their shortcomings in their respective PORs (Political and Organisational Reviews) through the different phases of their history. The self-criticisms were sharp and sincere and created the basis to rectify errors and thereby Bolshevise the Party and rid it of its non-proletarian deviations. The process also helped develop the political line of the new unified Party. These PORs, together with the deep self-criticisms of the period of the "Black Chapter" has acted to further cement the unity between the two parties.

Then the two CCs had extensive discussions to finalise the five basic documents that became the basis of the unification. Here, we will briefly look at the main content of the documents:

MLM DOCUMENT: ‘Hold high the bright Red Banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism’ showed how Com. Mao developed Marxism- Leninism to a qualitatively new and third higher stage in the fields of philosophy, political economy, military science, and scientific socialism. He brought a leap in the understanding of the law of contradictions. Mao pointed out that the law of contradiction is the fundamental law of motion governing nature, society, and human thought. Mao masterfully applied the relation between matter and consciousness to the relationship between theory and practice, immensely contributing to the theory of knowledge. Before the Chinese revolution, the path of armed insurrection, known as the Soviet model of revolution, was considered as the general path for seizure of power. Mao solved this question by adopting the new path i.e. Protracted People’s War. Mao said that the semi-colonial, semi-feudal countries would pass through two different but interlinked stages. The first stage would be the New democratic stage, which will uninterruptedly pass over to the socialist stage directed towards communism. And most importantly Mao led the historic and earth shaking GPCR. It represented a qualitative leap forward in defending and exercising the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was directed against the capitalist roaders who emerged in the socialist society and dialectically sought to resolve the contradiction that emerges between the development of the productive forces and the relations of production. The GPCR and continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat is a completely new development in the arsenal of MLM to prevent the restoration of capitalism.

Marxism arose as a science of the laws of motion of nature, society and human thought, a science of revolution at a moment in history when the proletariat made its appearance as a revolutionary class capable of shaping the destiny of the society including its own destiny. Marxism is the ideology of the proletariat that was further synthesized and developed to new and higher stages. From Marxism it developed into Marxism-Leninism. Thereafter, it further developed into Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is not a science pertaining to a particular field of knowledge but a science representing a whole comprehensive philosophical system, political economy, scientific socialism, and the strategy and tactics of the proletariat in comprehending and transforming the world through revolution.

PROGRAMME: In its programme the CPI (Maoist) pointed out in precise terms that after the so-called independence in 1947 the direct colonial and semi-feudal system of the British imperialists was replaced with semi-colonial and semi-feudal system under the new colonial form of indirect imperialist rule, exploitation and control. During the subsequent years the comprador bureaucratic big bourgeoisie and big landlord ruling classes continue to serve the imperialist faithfully.

After the end of direct colonial rule, imperialism adopted new forms of indirect rule, exploitation, and control of the nations and countries subordinated to them. That is called neo-colonialism. This is a more deceptive and more sinister form of colonialism. In this context the domination and control of imperialist finance capital in every sphere of our life — economic, political, military and cultural — continued to increase further and further. Actually, the imperialists today control the key sectors of the Indian economy and even the administration.

Even today, our country is fundamentally a country of the peasant masses as two-thirds of the population live in the rural areas. The overwhelming majority of the peasantry is the most exploited and oppressed class. They are forced to live in most wretched and extremely poor conditions. Backward agriculture on fragmented land, mainly dependent on primitive methods in some places and the vagaries of nature, is subjecting a large population of peasantry, including an overwhelming number of middle peasants, to live a miserable life. The countryside is dominated by landlords, usurers, merchants and religious institutions. These exploiting sections are the mainstay of semi-feudal relations of production in the country.

With the increasing penetration of imperialist finance capital, its grip has been further tightened. This has also further introduced some capitalist relations of production, but this capitalism is very much distorted and disarticulated.

Viewing the dominant position of India in over all South-Asia, the imperialists have always backed, encouraged and instigated the expansionist designs of the comprador Indian ruling classes, so that they could continue their unchallenged control over the vast profitable market.

Due to these expansionist ambitions and intervention and subversive activities of the Indian comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie, subservient to imperialism, Indian expansionism has emerged as a great threat to the security and integrity of all the South-Asian countries. The Indian Ruling classes interfere in the internal affairs in Nepal has increasingly showed readiness to send its armies there, to crush the people’s movements.

The Indian comprador bureaucratic class is one of the chief instruments for imperialist exploitation and control over India. It is completely tied with and dependent on imperialism for its existence and development. Its interests are closely interlinked with the interests of the imperialists in all fields. It is tied to imperialism and allied with feudalism. This comprador bureaucratic capitalist class (or big bourgeoisie or state monopoly bourgeoisie) is extremely reactionary, anti-people and anti-national and subjects the vast Indian masses — the proletariat, peasantry and the petty-bourgeoisie — to ruthless exploitation and oppression and it is a hurdle for the development of the independent Indian economy.

In India the ruling classes, subservient to imperialism, have transformed the country into a prison-house of nationalities under the so-called slogan of "unity and integrity" of the country. It is in such a context that the ongoing nationality struggles in various parts of the country today are advancing by assuming various forms including armed struggle. The Programme unequivocally support these nationalities struggles. It stated to resolutely oppose the vicious attempt of the Indian ruling classes to suppress these movements with their military might. The right of self-determination including, and up to, the right of secession, would be upheld and highlighted forcefully in all circumstances.

The Programme further stated that the condemnable caste system and casteism, especially Brahminical casteism, is a special feature of the semi-feudal system prevailing in India. Casteism crushes the self respect of the individual, treats them as inferiors and creates a social hierarchy with each rung in the ladder looking down on the other. In this way it creates walls that divides the people and create hurdles in the unity of the oppressed. The Party would fight for equal rights, reservations and other special privileges for dalits and other backward castes. Simultaneously it would expose the hollowness of the policies of the ruling class parties and the state on these issues. It would also expose the opportunist dalit leaders who build their own electoral fortunes in the name of taking up dalit issues. It would take up struggles on these issues with their own independent programme, through the mass and class organisations, without forming separate caste-based organisations.

Constituting half the population of the country women are subjected to male domination and suppression through patriarchal institutions like the family, caste system, property relations and culture, in addition to the imperialist and feudal exploitation and oppression. Sexual harassment and atrocities on women have increased in recent years, particularly because of imperialist globalization, liberalization and consumerism. ‘Women represent half the sky’. Without unleashing the pent-up fury of women as a mighty force of revolution, victory in revolution is impossible. Hence, the Programme stated that the mobilization of women in advancing people’s war against imperialism and feudalism is a must. It further stated that, besides the class-struggle there is need to carry on the struggle in the political, economic, ideological and cultural sphere for equal rights of women.

The religious minorities constitute 15 percent of the Indian population. They are victims of the discrimination, harassment and cruel oppression being perpetrated by the ruling classes through fanning Hindu communalism by even using their state machinery. The party would oppose, expose and fight against the growing threat of these Hindu fascist forces ideologically, politically and also fight against them at the local level by adopting all the appropriate means. At the same time it would also continue to expose the fundamentalism of other religions.

STRATEGY & TACTICS: The document, The Strategy & Tactics of Indian Revolution, stated that a concrete class analysis of Indian society reveals that the character of Indian society is semi-colonial, semi-feudal. This determines that the Indian revolution would have to pass through two stages. The task of first stage is to change the semi -colonial semi -feudal society into an independent new democratic society.

In India the parliamentary system was imposed by British imperialism from above. Moreover, bourgeois democratic revolution too has not been completed here. Hence no bourgeois democracy ever came into being here. Actually, no viable solution of the fundamental problems of the people can be sought through using any parliamentary institution. Besides this, the experience of last 55 years has amply confirmed the fact that whoever tried to participate in the elections in the name of tactics of using it, most of them got entrenched in the mire of the parliamentary system and revisionism, sooner or later. In fact, the tactics of participation in the election in the name of using it is tantamount to abandoning the tasks of building and advancing the armed struggle.

The S & T further states that the three magic weapons of the revolution will be the Party, the Army and the United Front. A correct understanding of these three questions and their mutual relations will give the accurate direction for the entire Indian revolution. Thus the S & T says it is extremely imperative for us to grasp the importance of the construction of each of these weapons from the very beginning as well as the masterful application of these to the concrete practice of the Indian revolution based on the teachings of MLM.

This new democratic state will be the people’s democratic dictatorship exercised by the united front comprising the proletariat, peasantry, petty-bourgeoisie and the national bourgeois class under the leadership of the proletariat based upon the worker-peasant alliance. The state will guarantee real democracy for the vast majority of the people while exercising dictatorship over the tiny minority of the exploiters. The party’s ultimate programme is socialism and then advancing towards communism on a world scale.

POLITICAL RESOLUTION: This document dealt with both the international and the domestic situation.

At the international level it stated that the present day world is under great disorder, turbulence and instability rarely witnessed after World War II. This ever intensifying crisis exacerbated all the major contradictions and the principal contradiction in the world, i.e. between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples. After the 9/11 incident, in the name of fighting against terrorism, US imperialism being the biggest terrorist of the world and the number one enemy of the world people, is unleashing a series of wars of aggression and carrying out attacks on the people all over the world. This has generated a powerful backlash from the people in various forms. The people of Iraq and Afghanistan are leading a heroic battle against US-led imperialist aggression. The dog fight for the near stagnant world market, control over sources of raw materials and strategic regions between these imperialist powers has further sharpened the contradiction among them, thus transforming various regions of the world into a bone of contention. The ongoing trade wars, the emergence of trade blocs and the intense competition for economic resources and political control indicate the intensifying inter-imperialist contradictions. Vast areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are continuing as the storm centres of world revolution. Guerrilla war against US occupation is intensifying in Iraq and Afghanistan. People’s war under the leadership of the Maoist parties in India, Nepal, Philippines, Peru and Turkey is advancing. The workers in imperialist countries are fighting militantly against the policies of globalisation. Genuine revolutionary parties based on MLM are emerging in several capitalist countries.

The PR states that the objective situation to advance proletarian revolution in the capitalist countries and the New Democratic Revolution in oppressed countries, into two streams of the World Socialist Revolution, is excellent. But the strength of the subjective forces, the organised strength of Maoist parties, is not yet strong enough to carry out this task successfully. Due to this weakness vast sections of the struggling masses, all over the world are under the influence/leadership of fundamentalists, revisionists, social democrats and NGOs. It is an immediate task of the Maoist parties to bring out the workers, peasants and other oppressed masses out of their influence and organise them under their leadership. Also, the unification of genuine Maoist forces should be taken as an immediate task.

Regarding the situation in the country the imperialist offensive around the world is also clearly reflected in India. Today, particularly after 1990, with a major offensive of finance capital under the banner of LPG, the Indian ruling classes are more brazenly acting according to the naked dictates of the imperialists. This process which got a fillip during the PVN-Manmohan govt has further intensified and took a new turn after the BJP led NDA govt assumed office in Delhi. Particularly the US imperialists assumed a more dominant position in all affairs of Indian polity. This process was further accelerated after the 11 Sept. Events, because these events proved to be a new turning point in the world situation. Hence the US imperialists declared India as their new "strategic pillar" in Asia. While chanting the "swadeshi" mantra they implemented all policies dictated by the US imperialists. The new Congress govt is trying to hoodwink the people by implementing reform programmes with a "human face". These developments have further intensified all major contradictions including the principal contradiction, i.e. between feudalism and the broad masses of India.

Due to imperialist dictated policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation by the central and state governments the living condition of the Indian people have deteriorated. The working class has become victims of lay-off, retrenchment, closure, wage freeze, scrapping of other social benefits, contract and casualization of labour, curtailing minimum trade union rights etc. the vast majority of peasants are still under the yoke of feudal exploitation. They are forced to live in the most wretched conditions. The agricultural sector is placed at the mercy of the imperialists and the CBB, for seeds, fertilisers, and farm machines. The price hike of all agricultural inputs on the one hand and the negligible price on their produce has virtually pushed the entire poor farmers and a sizable section of middle farmers in handing over their lands to the big landlords. Privatisation and commercialisation of education has deprived the weaker sections of society from education. Large number of indigenous, small and medium scale industries are being closed. Attacks on Dalits by castiest forces are increasing day by day. Adivasis are deprived of their livelihood and culture. Sexual harassment and other atrocities have increased in recent years, particularly because of imperialist globalisation and consumerism. Communal pogroms on the religious minorities, particularly the Muslims, are carried out by the Hindu fascist forces in the interests of the Indian ruling classes and their imperialist chieftains. Thousands of armed forces are sent to put down the nationality struggles.

Finally, the document states that the Indian people who have a very rich tradition of heroic struggles and sacrifice are fighting militantly against the anti-people policies of the Indian ruling classes and the imperialist monsters. People’s movements, particularly the people’s war led by Maoist forces, are advancing in Andhra, Jharkhand, Bihar, Dandakaranya and the adjoining parts of India. The unification achieved by the two Maoist parties, the MCCI and the CPI (ML) People’s War, is a big leap in the Communist movement in India and will also have a positive impact in South Asia and the ICM. The revolutionary movement is advancing by facing the all round attack of the ruling classes subservient to imperialism, towards establishing Base Areas and transforming the PLGA into the PLA. In this process thousands of martyrs heroically laid down their precious lives for the cause of NDR, Socialism and Communism.

CONSTITUTION: The unified Party has put forward a new Constitution firmly based on the Bolshevik principles of democratic centralism, with the core comprising of professional revolutionaries. A wide network of Part timers will facilitate the Party to exist deep within the masses. It will be underground for the entire period of the New Democratic Revolution and its members will comprise the cream of society — principled, selfless, courageous, dedicated, modest, hard-working and fully committed to the cause of the Indian revolution and to socialism and communism. All members will put the interests of the Party and the people before their own personal interests. It will continuously view itself and its members self-critically in order to correct non-proletarian tendencies that inevitably enter the Party and seek to corrupt it from within. The ideological basis of the Party is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It will lead the two main weapons of the Indian revolution — the people’s army and the United Front. It will strictly adhere to the principles of proletarian internationalism and seek relations with all other Maoist forces of the worlds on an equal footing. Its goal is communism and the first step in that direction is the New Democratic Revolution in India transforming to socialism.

The document states "During the whole course the comrades throughout the party must cherish the revolutionary spirit of daring to go against the tide, must adhere to the principles of practicing Marxism and not revisionism, working for unity and not for splits, and being open and aboveboard and not engaging in intrigue and conspiracy, must be good at correctly distinguishing contradictions among the people from those between ourselves and the enemy and thereby correctly handling those, fighting left and right opportunism and non proletariat trend must develop the style of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses and practicing criticism and self-criticism."

The Constitution presented the "Aims & Objectives" of the Party, the criteria for membership, the rights and duties of party members, the organisational principles of the party, party discipline, the party’s organisational structure, the party Congress, the rights and duties of central committee, the method for internal debates in the party, and the question of party funds.

The deliberations went on for a month-and-a-half, and took place at a Commune located in a Guerrilla Zone; and the joint meetings of the two CCs, and then the meeting of the unified CC took place in the CM-KC Hall. On the front stage of the large hall, built in the midst of the forest, were the photos of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao; below which were the photos of Comrades CM and KC. On the side walls of the hall were photos of some of the leading martyrs of both the parties.

On the arrival of the two sets of delegates, in the inauguration meeting, the flag of the party was hoisted and wreaths were laid at the memorial column of the martyrs. The meeting was addressed by senior leaders, including the then respective general secretaries of the two parties …… com. Kishanji of the MCCI and com. Ganapati of the CPI(ML)(PW). The speeches were interspersed with poems and songs by Central Committee members and culminated with a cultural programme by the local cultural group. With dance performances, songs on the red flag, on Maoism, and on the peoples’ army were presented by the troupe

Again immediately after the unity of the party was announced at a programme on Sept. 21, 2004 speeches were presented by the main leaders of the merged CC.

The newly elected general secretary of the unified party, Com. Ganapati, said that this unity was just the first step in our effort to unite 90% of the masses of India who are oppressed and ruthlessly exploited. He then briefly introduced the five documents of the new Party and the need to spread their contents far and wide throughout the country. He said that though the two parties have merged at the top, the first task lay in uniting the entire party at the lower levels, the PLGA and the PGA into a united people’s guerrilla army, and the unity of the mass organisations throughout the country. He brought out the irony of the situation, that on this very day that this new party was being founded, on that very day a meeting at the highest level was taking place in Hyderabad on how to crush the Naxalite movement. The meeting was called by the central Home Minister and attended by the Chief Ministers and police chiefs from nine states. He called on the entire Party to be alert against the enemy and intensify the armed struggle to build Base Areas; and also to unite the vast masses of the people into a mighty United Front.

This was followed by a short speech by com. Kishan, a senior leader and the secretary of the erstwhile MCCI. He said that from today not only are the two parties merged, but also the two armies of both parties stand merged and will henceforth be called the PLGA. He called on those assembled there to build the Party and PLGA everywhere and to build a huge Base Area stretching all the way from the North to the South. He called on all to fulfil the tasks set by the new CC.

The meeting was conducted by senior leader of the new CC, com. Brajesh, and concluded with a spirited performance by the cultural troupe. The very young troupe whose average age would be around 15 years, had as its lead singer a young Mahila comrade. The haunting tunes on the red flag, Maoism, and other such political themes, including one newly written on the unity of the two parties, mesmerised the entire audience. Their well rehearsed dance performance was performed with the seriousness of a professional and the fervour of a revolutionary. The programme ended with an hour long tribal dance, set to a political theme, in which all participated. The atmosphere at the programme was emotionally charged and poems were presented in about six languages by CCMs, PLGA fighters, computer staff and even one in English by the head of the electrical team. All were the product of the historic unity underway. It was an occasion difficult to forget.

The Commune itself, set deep in the forest, was like a well equipped township of over 150 comrades. The main meeting hall, 60 feet by 20 feet, was constructed with the precision of an urban mason with 15 days of hard labour by the guerrilla fighters. It was decorated inside by a red cloth all around. Then there were living halls with toilets constructed, dining hall, kitchen, computer room, TV, lighting of the entire township, a medical room and a young doctor (trained in the squads) who systematically visited each tent every evening. Water was boiled, and on some occasions sweets and food of different varieties was served.

The sincerity, discipline, warmth of all at the commune was a picture of the new society being born. Each went about their duties with a revolutionary dedication, always willing to help, and with a gentle smile always on their face. Most enchanting of all were the little children who were extremely affectionate, lively and playful; but full of confidence and going about their duties with clock-work precision. There was no element of ego, the cultural artists, the doctor and her assistants would be seen serving food during meal-times. The dignity of labour was respected. The doctor took real care of the patients, like true barefoot doctors one read about in China …… with the approach to "Serve the people". So were all others at the commune.

As the CPI(ML)(PW) arrived in batches to the MCCI commune they were received by the entire camp standing to attention and shaking hands with the new arrivals. This was followed by a special welcome song/dance by the cultural troupe for the delegates, followed by a short cultural programme. The unity meeting culminated with a lively meeting, cultural programme, the lowering of the red flag and the singing of the Internationals. In interesting aspect of the concluding function was that besides the GS’s speech there was only one on the October Revolution — all others were by the ordinary cadres present there who expressed their sentiments on the unity that had just taken place. Those who spoke were not only SAC and Regional Committee members, but also PLGA commanders, cultural activists, computer staff members, mahila comrades and even the head of the children’s group. They not only spoke, some even presented poems written for the occasion. All left the commune with ever greater determination to cement the unity achieved and advance the people’s war in India to still greater heights.

The CC(P) set the basic, principal and immediate task to advance the ongoing People’s Democratic Revolution by developing and intensifying the people’s war throughout the country. It took up as its basic and principal task of building the PLA and Liberated Areas by advancing the armed agrarian revolution. To orient all activities to precipitate implementation of the central task. Foil every attack of the state and central governments, aimed at liquidating the party and PLGA and suppressing the peasant revolutionary struggles, by waging people’s war. To strengthen the Party, PLGA, and United Front and intensify the guerrilla war with the perspective of liberated area.

To strengthen the Party the task set was to further Bolshevise it by struggling against all non-proletarian trends and to unite all those genuine Maoists that are still not part of the new party into the merged Party.

To strengthen the PLGA the task set was the building a vast base of the people’s militia and building up the platoons and companies into higher formations under a well established command and control system.

To strengthen the UF the task set was that the Party mobilise the huge mass of people of the country, comprising roughly 90 crore (900 million) people against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucrat capitalism. Besides this strategic United Front, tactical United fronts will have to built mobilising the masses around the main political tactical slogans : to Intensify and Advance the People’s War! Establish People’s Political Power; Build mighty mass movement against the imperialist war designs and imperialist dictated Liberalisation, Privatisation, and Globalisation; Expose, Isolate and defeat the more dangerous Hindu Fascist forces, while exposing all other fundamentalist forces also; Resist and Defeat growing state repression and fight for the repeal of all Black laws; Fight the expansionist designs of the Indian ruling classes backed by Imperialism!

Finally, recognising that the Indian revolution is part of the world revolution, the CC(P) decided to unite even more deeply with all the genuine Maoist forces internationally particularly those in South Asia, as part of its proletarian internationalist tasks.

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