Volume 5, No. 1, January 2004

Many are gathered in Mumbai to voice their disgust with the ills of society. They want something different; a change from the present state of affairs. Corporate greed, US war-mongering, racism, communalism, fascism, consumerism, casteism, patriar-chalism, etc are evils all are sick of. We all find these intolerable. They must no doubt be eradicated from this system. But, on the contrary they tend to fester and grow. The question before us is: Why? Unless we answer this it is difficult to make "Another World Possible".

Yet, they say that another "World is Possible"! True. But, what does it entail? Can it co-exist with the despots of today? Can it be born through a small fraction of the billions (nay trillions) of dollars with a handful of families getting redistributed? Can it come through such gatherings? Can we hope for the rulers to reform and change their ways?

So, what is the method to usher in this "Another World"? Why could not the millions coming on to the streets in February and March 2003 against war, stop Bush’s war on Iraq? Such huge gatherings have never taken place before, yet, it could not; then, what could have? Or, could imperialism change its colours? It has caused massacres of a size unheard of in prior human history — WWI, WWII, and killer regimes in Latin America, Africa, and Asia leading to the murder of millions — can we still stay it can become more humane?

Finally, what can be the character of this "other world"? Will it continue to be capitalist, or will it be socialist/communist, or will it be some form of stateless system, or will it be some indefinable utopia?

These are some of the questions that require not only "reflective thinking" but clear-cut answers. For anyone serious in fighting imperialist globalisation and war, it is these types of questions that primarily need to be answered. For, unless these are answered all will keep groping in the dark and we will continuously go round in circles, like a dog running after its tail.

But will they be even raised at the mammoth WSF gathering? Will they be part of the Agenda? When it is claimed that the WSF is all about democratic space for "reflective thinking", why does it not seek solutions? This is common sense. Even the most ineffectual bodies seek solutions to what they set out to achieve — whether it be some business, sports, entertainment, or social action or anything for that matter in the world. But why on earth should the WSF not seek solutions but only indulge in "reflective thinking" — that too year in and year out, again and again, every January!!! And just to facilitate a thinking-process-extravaganza in Mumbai, a massive Rs.135 crores ($ 30 million) will be spent. By any standards this seems ridiculous. The miserly bourgeoisie will not spend even one dollar without guaran-teeing a return. Then why should they spend 30 million of it merely to facilitate "thinking" and no solution? Of course, they are not so foolish; it is obvious that the returns are there; no doubt, camouflaged.

Those attending this extravaganza must really reflect on these basic questions and come out with-clear-cut answers, or else they are likely to fall prey to imperialist schemes. Reflect also on what genuine opposition to imperialist globalisation and war really entails.

Now, without looking for the reasons for the WSF (this magazine has already covered a series of articles on this), let us turn to India, the present arena of the WSF. What imperialist Globalisation means to the people of this country, and how are they fighting it at the ground level. This may help enlighten those attending the WSF and encourage them to concrete and effective action.

What we see in this country is that economic liberalisation, which began in the mid 1980s, took a major leap in the 1990s. And it continues apace till today, with new rulings being introduced continuously. The first generation of economic reforms gave way to a second generation in the year 2000. There is not a sphere of the Indian economy that has been left untouched by foreign capital. Now, even the water we drink and the air we breathe is being privatised with profits siphoned away by the transnational corporations and their India accomplices.

And simultaneous with this economic policy came the politics of Hindu fascism. Economic reforms are in essence an all-round attack on the living standards of the people in the interests of big capital (both Indian and foreign). Such a massive attack would inevitably result in revolt. Big capital and the ruling classes of this country required to divert this discontent and/or suppress it. For diversion, Hindutva became the most lethal weapon; and to crush it fascist repression became the twin brother of Hindutva. So we find that in the mid 1980s itself the lock to the Babri Masjid was opened ushering in the politics of Hindutva by the then Rajiv Congress itself. This is when economic reforms were in the stage of incubation. And when in the early 1990s economic reforms was pushed forward at full speed, Advani too began his infamous rath yatras taking Hindutva to every house and communalisng the whole atmosphere of the country. It is not a mere coincidence that the two went together. And with this came TADA (now POTA), ban on strikes, the judiciary turning vehemently anti-people, the police being given a free hand, a massive hike in intelligence gathering and state surveillance — in short, all steps towards state terrorism. Expenditure on both the police and the military have increased four-fold in the 1990s; both of which are being used against the Indian people. The mix of state terror with Hindutva, gave the cocktail of Hindu fascism. And as Gujarat has shown, it is a close friend of big capital. In the year of Modi’s pogrom against the Muslims, the Gujarat government gave just one company — Reliance — a massive tax rebate of Rs.1,000 crores!!! It is also the VHP, RSS, BJP, etc who are the strongest voices in favour of capitulation to the US/Israeli Axis.

Given this reality what should the progressives, gathered in Mumbai, be debating and planning. If concern for the poor and oppressed is sincere, where should it focus its attention? To answer this let us delve a little deeper into the impact of both on the country and its people.

Globalisation in the country primarily goes under the signboard of economic reforms — i.e. liberalisation and privatisation of the economy and the opening out of the country to unhindered loot by foreign capital. What then has been the result of the past 13 years of such policies?

Even before globalisation India was a highly impoverished country with a living standard equivalent to that of Sub-Saharan Africa. Forty years of so-called independence had done little for the common man; those who gained were the Tatas and the Birlas, top politicians and bureaucrats, and the powerful TNCs operating in the country, who were able to amass great fortunes of wealth. In those days the pro-rich polices were camouflaged in slogans like ‘garibi hatao’, nationalisation, socialism, etc. In the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union and the reversal in China, communism no longer became an immediate threat. Now, policies in India became openly and avowedly pro-rich, and particularly pro-foreign capital. No smokescreen was now necessary; and, anyhow, by now, ‘garibi hatao’ had become a joke.

This process was launched by the Congress (I) government in 1991, with its "Statement of Industrial Policy". It was speeded up by the United Front government (inclusive of the CPI/CPM), which came to power in 1996. And it took a big leap forward ever since the BJP-led government has been in power since 1998. For all their rhetoric against each other, all these ruling-class parties (including those at the State level) are fully united in serving the imperialists and implementing the policies of "economic reforms". These have had a disastrous impact on the lives of the masses and have basically benefited a small 5% elite in the country.

An already poverty-ridden country has been pushed to the brink by the new policy measures since 1991. Today roughly 70% of the population live below the poverty line, and the situation continues to worsen each day. Foodgrain availability dropped from 550 gms per day in 1990 to 470 gms per day in 2000. Never before has one seen suicides taking place in India on the scale as that in the past five years. Not only is this a sign of enormous suffering, but total hopelessness of a way out, with no political force visible (the revolutionaries still being relatively weak) to give them confidence in their battles against their exploiters. It is also a sign of the extreme alienation of the individual, with little or no community support, created by the culture of crass consumerism, individual greed, and ruthless competitiveness — a result of the policies globalisation. The largest number of suicides has been amongst the debt-ridden peasantry, then the unemployed or dismissed worker, then bankrupt petty-businessmen and even a large number of frustrated teenage student and youth.

Privatisation, contractualisation and high-tech foreign technology have thrown out millions of workers and employees from their jobs in the past decade. The recent stampede at the railway exams is an indication of the level of desperation amongst the youth. There are virtually no proper jobs available today. And those that are able to retain theirs are being faced with excessive workloads, wage freezes and cuts in welfare measures. Job insecurity is very high, with the government introducing a hire-and-fire policy and the Supreme Court calling for a ban on strikes.

Pensions are being reduced; interest on Provident Funds have been slashed from 12% to 9% (and will be reduced further); savings are increasingly insecure with the hosts of bank scams and low interest rates; government social welfare measures have been drastically cut, with the cost of health and education soaring; and all charges are being hiked, whether it be transport, power, water, or even mere leisure (e.g. TV costs). It is a dead-end for the bulk of the working and middle classes. They see their standard of life being pushed to the brink, with the next generation facing a bleak future without secure employment, living off temporary and uncertain jobs.

Now, if we turn to the peasantry their situation has deteriorated even more. With globalisation, has come a total neglect of investment in agriculture; with privatisation of the banks has come the return of the moneylender due to the drying up of cheap credit; with the implementation of WTO stipulations and the slash in import duty, has come a flood of cheap imported products, resulting in a crash in agricultural commodity prices; with the de facto disbanding of the of the PDS (Public Distribution Scheme) has resulted in the disappearance of cheap grain for the millions of impoverished families, and the (de facto) end to support pricing, turning over the agriculturist to dependency on the ruthless traders (a traditional vote-bank of the BJP); and the removal of subsidies for handicrafts has pushed millions of weaver and other artisan families into a state of total collapse. And, added to all this is the yearly devastation of droughts and floods, caused by the rapacious destruction of the forests and the voracious sapping up of ground water. Never before, except during colonial rule, had droughts and famine become such a common occurrence as in the past five years.

The middle-classes too have not been spared by the policies of globalisation. Except for the upper crust from this section, most face a future with no proper employment. The only sphere where a few jobs are available is in the info-tech sector, which is inaccessible to the masses of the middle-classes for its English bias and westernised culture. This too services the elite, for the rest it is growing insecurities — with not only no jobs, but even the limited savings giving far less returns than before (if they have not already disappeared from bank scams and frauds). Besides, while wages are frozen, costs have shot up, like LPG, diesel, petrol, electricity, municipal charges, etc.

Finally, not only the middle-classes but also small business have been badly hid by the influx of the TNCs into every sphere of production, trade and finance. The production lines reserved for the small-scale sector have been cut drastically — besides, the low import duties make it unviable to compete with imports. Lakhs of industries are sick or have closed down.

Besides the effect on all these class, various sections have been also badly hit by globalisation. Students have been hit by privatisation of education and the huge hike in fees. Women have been affected by the cheap commoditification of beauty; the proliferation of the tourist industry and accompanying spurt in prostitution; the high profile promotion of the beauty-industry, where appearance is made the sole criteria of acceptance; and the debasement of women through the spread of pornography by means of the internet. Dalits have been badly affected by the privatisation of both jobs and education, removing thereby the possibility of getting jobs and education through reservations. Finally, tribals have been marginalised even more, being pushed off their lands, forest and natural habitats by imperialist sponsored big projects, mining, forest plantations, tourist parks, etc. They are normally given little compensation and have to eke out an existence on the fringes of society.

When people gather at Mumbai there is need to reflect how these attacks on the living standards and the rights of the people can be fought back.

It is continuously argued that foreign capital is good for the country as it facilitates development. And on this basis everything is done to attract foreign money, including giving it all sorts of concessions to maximise returns. Also guarantees and counter-guarantees are given to it.

But what is the reality?

The reality is quite the reverse. 70% of FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) goes to swallow up existing business, so neither does this type of capital generate new employment nor does it encourage growth. All FII (Foreign Institutional Investment) is merely speculative capital that makes fortunes through speculation on the Indian market and serves no constructive purpose. In addition, the bulk of the profits generated by such investment leave the country (either legally or illegally) — so the benefits go to the mother country and not to India. Also, with its high tech quality it, in fact, displaces labour enhancing unemployment in the country. Lastly with the deep penetration of foreign capital small scale indigenous industries are wiped out resulting in de-industrialisation of the country. So we find that for the country in general foreign capital does much harm and does not generate many jobs as propagated by its sponsors and apologists.

What is required is a holistic approach to capital investment and growth, which is geared to expanding the home market and generating surplus from an ever-expanding local market. It is this that should act as the prime source of investment if there is to be systematic growth in the country and not foreign capital.

A foreign investment, based on an expanding market of exports, is hollow and in no way benefits the country and its economy at large. Besides, a small disturbance in international markets creates a severe crisis at home.

It is then argued that in the present globalised world it is outdated to talk of things like self-reliance — the TINA there is no alternative) effect. But, ever since imperialism came into being, at the beginning of the last century, the world has been globalised. What has taken place in the 1990s is merely an extension of what imperialism has always been about. Earlier they did it through colonisation, now they do it through neo-colonial control. The IMF/WB/WTO, and for that matter the US administration, dictate terms to the Indian government on all its economic policies. Of course the magnitude of the penetration of foreign capital in the 1990s has taken a leap. In fact as the stranglehold of foreign capital tightens, the devastation of backward countries increases, and the urgency of movements of national liberations grows, to free itself from the suffocating domination of the alien power. So, the question of self-reliance and national liberation continue to be very much on the agenda, in fact even more so than before, due to the leap in imperialist penetration of these countries. Foreign capital is in fact a noose around the country’s neck; where the backward countries are its victims, with the bulk of the population (except for a small urban elite) pushed back to the dark ages.

Foreign capital has skyrocketed since the 1990s. While net foreign investment was $146 million per year in the 1980s, in the period 1993-2001 it was $4,443. The decade of the 1990s witnessed a gigantic $73 billion of foreign capital into India. In addition, the foreign debt jumped from $84 billion in 1990 to $ 110 billion today.

Slowly all industry, agriculture, finance and trade are coming under the vice-like grip of foreign capital interwoven with that of big comprador capital and that of the government. Their predominance is growing by the day. Daily reports come in of local industry being taken over. The PSUs are being sold to them for a song. The Bombay Stock Exchange is already under their (FII) control. Mining is being taken over by foreign consortiums. Banking and insurance is slowly moving into their hands. Major industries are already in their control, and with the patent act to be passed on Jan.1 2005, more will be swallowed up. A month back the first banks were taken over by British and American multinationals — UTI Bank and Centurion Bank. At the rate at which their penetration is growing, it will not be long before their control will match that of the British during the colonial days

It is estimated that every year $65 billion, or rupees three lakh crores, are drained out of the country. This amounts to a gigantic 20% of the country’s national income being drained out each and every year. Is it possible for any country, least of all an underdeveloped country like India, to develop with such a huge drain on its resources? This loot takes place from: (i) returns on accumulated FDI in the country, (i) Returns on FIIs and GDRs, (iii) Interest on foreign debt and NRI deposits, (iv) losses through foreign trade, (v) Brain drain, (vi) yearly flow of illegal money abroad, etc.

The main aim of earlier colonial rule in India was to extract its wealth in the interests of the British rulers. The British are now only replaced by the imperialists in general, and more particularly the US imperialists. Earlier the British ran the government directly; now much the same is being done by proxy. Besides, over the passed few years, the US has sought to enmesh the country in a series of military and diplomatic ties, thereby tightening its noose around the Indian administration.

For the first time ever the US intelligence, the FBI, has been allowed to open an office in Delhi. High-level joint military exercises have been conducted with the US army, navy and air force. For the first time ever the Indian navy is being used by America to police the Mallacca straits. In the name of counter-terrorism, the India secret service has been working in close alliance with Israeli intelligence, Mossad, and US intelligence agencies. Though differences may have temporarily occurred regarding sending troops to Iraq, a little arm-twisting (like cutting off India from the lucrative Iraqi contracts) and with elections over, the Indian rulers are bound to comply. In the colonial days thousands of Indian troops were sent to their death fighting as foot-soldiers of the colonial power in foreign lands. Is the same to be repeated today? Already one young 21-year-old army officer from Chandigarh has returned back from Iraq, DEAD.

So, self-reliance is not some impractical or idealist concept. It is the very basis to prevent foreign loot of the country and build an economy standing on one’s own legs. Self-reliance is the only means by which to assert India’s sovereignty. It does not mean no trade or dealings with foreign powers, but what it means is doing so on our own terms. It is only threw the development of the home market (and not increased imports-exports) that the country will develop and people’s purchasing power grows. This, in turn, will act as the motor for further growth.

Those attending the Mumbai events must seriously ponder over these points as to whether there is any other possible method to alleviate the suffering of the vast Indian masses. If not, they should forthwith adopt this programme of long-term action.

But having said this is not enough. How is this to be achieved in the given scenario?

Given the above state of affairs, how to proceed on the path to change. One thing is certain is that unless there is a clear-cut alternative to the existing state of affairs, much of the debate is mere intellectual semantics. Of course the alternative must be not only viable but also possible. But, history has also shown that no basic change in a system has been easy. Short-cuts may be convenient, but are not practical — they do not work. On the other hand life itself is going to get more and more difficult.

There will be only but two alternatives before the people: either take the path of radical opposition to the evils of today; or succumb to a life of perpetual insecurity, fascist internecine strife, state terror and wars of increasing intensity. We saw that even the gigantic peaceful mass movements in the West could not stop the war in Iraq, as it is clear that the imperialists do not listen to reason; they only understand the language of force. So, it is no use debating on the question whether violence be used or not; the world situation is fraught with the worst forms of violence, as seen with the Gujarat holocaust. In the days to come, besides the silent death of millions from poverty and disease, there will be fascist violence, there will be parochial violence, there will be state terror, and there will be increasing number of wars of the Iraq type for conquest and markets. The deep crisis in the world economy points only in this direction. We will all be pushed to choose as which side we are on; fence-sitting will become all the more difficult as the situation worsens.

In such a situation comfortable change, imagined by the NGOs, is not possible. This battle is not going to be a carnival of debates. The only answer lies in mobilising the masses for militant struggles in their thousands. Fascism, parochial violence, state terror and wars cannot be countered with platitudes. We already find today in the country that even minor economic demands are not tolerated by the system, let alone any demand to reform it. The Tamilnadu government employees witnessed this when hundreds were arrested, thousands thrown out of their jobs and their strike declared illegal, for merely demanding the economic rights that were withdrawn form them. Even the Supreme Court took the opportunity to declare all strikes as illegal. So, in today’s atmosphere for even the smallest demand it will entail major struggles, if it is to be successful.

And then what about the growing number of fascist gangs in the form of the VHP, Bajrang Dal, etc, which are openly arming themselves for further attacks. Hindu fascism is now virtually state policy. Lack of a BJP majority prevents it from being overt. How does one face up to Modi-type pogroms? Do those attending the WSF have an answer? In this atmosphere to preach peace seems totally defeatist. Thousands are being recruited and trained in these gangster forces; they are stock-piling swords, hatchets, country bombs and even undergoing open rifle training. History has shown that the anti-minority actions of these fascist gangs will also be used against the struggling masses, when they take to militant battles. Are the people attending the WSF listening?

So, we find at the ground level only those forces able to grow who have the capacity for militant battle, all others are getting pacified or co-opted. The people are themselves coming out on to the streets in battle, whether for jobs, wage hike, electricity charges, fee hike, etc. But they are being crushed, either due to betrayal by the revisionists, or due to the unplanned nature of the action. The numerous strikes by government employees have either been token revisionist affairs, to let off steam; or they have been brutally crushed by the truncheons and arrests of the rulers. If more militant, they have been mowed down in cold blood. Where movements have taken the form of insurgencies as the nationality movements for their right to self-determination, the India army has been used, with the people witnessing the most cruel forms of atrocities.

In such a scenario it is only the revolutionary forces that have the ability to fight back and lead the broad section of the masses against a monstrous enemy. Having revolutionary foresight, a scientific ideology, flexible tactics to utilise both legal and illegal means of struggle, and most particularly utmost dedication to the masses and communism — it is they alone who can beat back the offensive of the present-day rulers and their hangers-on.

So, it is quite natural that it is the Maoist forces in the country conducting a people’s war, who have been gaining ground particularly in the most poverty-stricken areas of the country. In spite of the worst forms of terror unleashed against them, they are still able to grow, particularly in the backward rural areas of AP, Bihar and Central India (Dandakaranya). In neighbouring Nepal they have, in fact, established Base Areas and a new people’s government in vast tracts of the country. In India, Guerrilla Zones have been established in the above three areas, where peoples’ power is sought to be exerted in its embryonic form. This is the "Other Possible World" being born before our very eyes. Do those at the WSF wish to see it? Or do they prefer to look the other way pretending that it does not exist? Or do they even fall prey to ruling-class propaganda labelling these movements as ‘terrorists’?

It is the Naxalites who have stood up and refused to bow before either state terror or the moneybags. Many a lesser being, drivel before the big-bosses of the system, cringing before their money, or panic-stricken by their threats. Witness the PW Central Committee member, Com. Shyam, who refused to bend in spite of the most inhuman tortures by Naidu’s hi-tech police. And the other CC member, Com. Mahesh, whose leg was even chopped off in the course of torture, who also stood firm as a rock; as did Com. Murali, the third CC member, brutally murdered. These are three shining stars for all the oppressed of the country and world to emulate. They were the staunchest anti-imperialist fighters, together with hundreds of other martyred revolutionaries, in this age of globalisation.

People’s struggles and people’s wars are the only recourse against the growing fascist danger looming over our country. The rulers are and will sell every stone in this country to the imperialist (particularly US) robber barons; and to do so they will allow oceans of blood of the oppressed to flow. Hindu fascism and state terror are a necessary pre-requisite to facilitate the further the sale of the country to foreign capital unhindered. Economic reforms can only ride into the country on the back of Hindu fascism and state terror. The three are an inseparable package, and one cannot be opposed without the other. The CPM’s tall talk of ‘secularism’ is therefore a hoax (it too is half-baked) unless it is coupled with a systematic fight against economic reforms and state terror. The fight is necessary on all three fronts to be, at all effective.

The ongoing people’s war in the country is the sole beacon light to a bright future of the Indian people. In their areas of strength in Dandakarnya and Bihar, where enemy forces have been kept at bay, the people have been mobilised to build their own future — there, they have built small dams, ponds, schools, health centres, fisheries, etc; and have been trained, not only as guerrillas and organised in militias, but as para-medics, agriculturalist (stressing on organic farming), and in the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Shramdan and cooperative agriculture are encouraged, not only to enhance production, but to create the new communist values of sharing and concern for others. The people’s welfare is the central goal of all activities. Besides this, all disputes are settled in people’s courts and a new judicial system is functioning.

In Nepal they have gone even one step ahead by setting up the Base Areas with an alternative system of the new democratic government run by the GAVISA. At the village level and even at the district level they have set up the new organs of power, the Gaon Samyukth Jan Samiti (Gavisa). There are two Base Areas in the Western region and one in the East. The immediate plan is to set up a total of six BAs in the middle Himalyas, stretching from east to west. In September 2001 the URPC (strategic united front) was formed at 4 levels – Central, Autonomous Region, District, Village/town levels. From 1997 – 2000 village-level GAVISAs were being formed. They were being elected; calling all adults, except the enemy. After 2000 they formed the Election Commission. In the Special Region there was a 6-member EC, with an Election Commissioner. They declare the elections – people fill election forms etc. In every GAVISA there must be a combination of the Party, Military, and Masses (Mass Organisation).

All higher levels of GAVISAs are elected through a House of People’s representative. A village level GAVISA will have one member elected from each ward, one member from each of the mass organisations in the village, one from the militia and two will be directly elected. All representatives elected from each village form a House of People’s Representatives comprising roughly 70 to 100 people in a total population 5000 to 10,000.

Now for election to the higher body (district-level) : Assume there are 70 House of People’s Representatives for each Gavisa area; and there are 14 Gavisas in the district; so for the process of electing the House People’s Representatives at the District level, the entire representatives of the region (comprising 14 x 70 – 980 representatives) will gather and elect their representatives for the District House of Representatives. For example, say these comprise 129 members in that district. These 129 members are the members of District People’s Representatives of the district. These 129 then elect a body of 29 by secret Ballot, to form the District GAVISA.

This district body has introduced taxation on the following basis : Land Registation – 2% (Government takes 7%); Forest produce – e.g. For House-building (big houses); Mill (chakki) – Owners, not small houses; Salla Tree – Gum + powder – sell – taxed; Traders tax – small traders are not taxed (Medium traders – Rs.1000/yr; Big traders – Rs.5000/yr; Granite stones from mines small coal mines (tiny)- tax). There is also the same style of taxation also by GAVISAs at the village level.

For a new judicial system the following norms have been set: Crimes have been classified into 4 types:

1. Murder, Rape, Anti-national Narcotic etc – counter revolution, informers — (district GAVISA only deals with such cases) —First Death sentence was the punishment; now under debate; life sentence + labour camp is being considered

2. Attempt to (1) – 6 months – 3 years labour camp, some referred to district GAVISA.

3. Social crimes – theft, prostitution – village GAVISA through Jan Adalat

4. Simple crimes – liquor, husband-wife problem, land dispute; same as (3)

Now no case are going to the government – nor is any tax going to the government. Earlier there was money lending; now interest is not allowed to exceed 20% per annum. Credit cooperatives have been set up which take deposits at 10% and give it out at15%.

Untouchability has been abolished.

Such PEOPLE’S GOVERNMENT ARE BEING RUN IN 15 DISTRICTS OF NEPAL

Though we do not expect all to be directly involved in building this new world, what is essential is to appreciate its importance in the worldwide struggle against imperialist globalisation and war. And in the process, ally with these revolutionary movements in the fight against imperialism to build the broadest possible united front against the main enemy, both at the international level and locally. In the given situation, though all imperialist powers are part of the enemy camp, at present it is US imperialism that is the number one enemy of the world people; and it is this that must be targeted.

So let us now all join together in this common battle, dissociate ourselves from the apologists of imperialism, and build a strong worldwide and local anti-imperialist/anti-US imperialist movement, to beat back its offensive, not only in Iraq and Afghanistan, but all around the globe. In India they must be targeted together with their local accomplices and agents.

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