Volume 4, No. 9, September 2003

Pradeep : It is fact that the erstwhile socialist countries took to the path of capitalism after years of practice of socialism. The question has two aspects, one, the possibility of socialism in India and other countries. Secondly, how to check the process of the degeneration of the socialist countries into capitalism. Marx visualized two stages in the process of development of the socialism. The world has so far seen the transitional first stage of socialism in the Soviet Union, China, etc. Marx used the dialectical method to scientifically prove the inevitable breakdown of the capitalist system generated by the accumulation process determined by the tendency for the fall in the rate of profit.

The peasants and workers in the third world are seething with discontent. So also the people of the developed countries. From the landless peasants of Brazil to the South Asian peasants’ revolutionary outbursts; from the massive demonstration of the people against globalization i.e. increasing stranglehold of imperialism, to the working class movements in different parts of the world, etc.; are the symptoms of people’s rejection of the existing system of exploitation, generating crisis after crisis, and the resultant burden on them. The rivalry among the imperialist powers is also getting increased.

All this results from the inherent contradiction between the socialized form of production and individual ownership, which is inevitably resolved only by transforming the economy into a socialist system.

The new basis for a demand for equality also relates to the ecological crisis engulfing the whole world. The remedy lies in the radical change in the industrial policy, change in the life-style and the consumption pattern. Here also we find that the burden of the ecological disaster is shifted on the third world by the imperialist powers. A planned economy under socialism, with a Marxist orientation of internationalism, is the only remedy to the people of the world.

Yes, the international socialist movement suffered a setback but it is renewing with new spirit and vigour, through the world-wide workers’ and peasants’ movements and anti-war demonstrations of millions of people. The objective conditions for socialist transformation in the crisis situation that has come up in a ripened form is there, but the subjective factor is not favorable and not strong. It should be asserted that Marxism does not preach fatalism, i.e. automatic, inevitable transformation of society in a given excellent revolutionary objective situation. The subjective factor i.e. the role of the masses led by a revolutionary Communist Party to make history by transforming the class-based unequal society in chronic crisis is also crucial. The Maoist forces world-wide are trying their utmost to reverse the existing trend by developing communist parties in many countries of the world, and to lead the people for this revolutionary transformation to socialism. This is not a mere dream it is the reality of the day.

As to the second aspect of the question regarding the ways and means to check the degeneration of socialist systems into capitalist ones, we can assuringly state that our party, like many other communist parties and Marxists in the world, have been identifying the factors for such degeneration. Our Marxist teachers like Lenin and Mao warned against such possibility in the first stage of socialism when the capitalist-roaders try their utmost to reverse the process. In human history of more then 2000 years of class society, socialist states emerged in the 20th century and the system continued for many decades. We study the problems faced after a considerable period of the existence of the socialist system. We must guard against the mistakes and wrong trends in the socialist systems in the Soviet Union, China, etc. It is through practice and theoretical enrichment that we Marxists will be able to check any reverses in future socialist systems.

Pradeep: The all India Co-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) and then the founding of the CPI (ML) was a definite break with years of the revisionist stranglehold on the people’s struggle for emancipation. It is an irony of history that India with a considerable presence of working class had taken so long a period to formulate a revolutionary programme and implement it against the state, as well as against the reactionary role of the revisionists. In contrast China, a very backward country, could move on to the path of socialism due to the great leadership of comrade Mao Tse-Tung. In a nutshell, the revisionist leadership, lack of a concrete programme suited to India’s specific condition, the chronic indifference of the CPI leadership to participate in anti-imperialist anti-feudal struggles, the over dependence on the international leadership for working out policies, the failure to study the comprador character of the Indian big bourgeoisie, the wrong notion about the Nehru Government, the faith in the parliamentary path of changing the existing order, etc. were the main causes why India took more than four decades to adopt a correct revolutionary path for Indian revolution.

Pradeep: It is true that the CPI (M) is the main revisionist party in India. But except the three states mentioned by you its influence is more or less marginal in other states. However, what is noticeable is that its followers in other states take up some popular issues like hikes in transport fare, wage-cuts etc. While, for raising similar issues in CPI (M) ruled states, lathis and bullets are indiscriminately used, even on parties like the SUCI and its other left front partners, not to speak of the struggles led by Communist Revolutionaries. The entire network of the CPI (M) is devoted to electoral gains by way of alliances with any political party. In the national political arena it supports the Congress (I); in Andhra Pradesh it was a small partner of the reactionary Telugu Desam under Rama Rao; in Bihar it supported Lalu Yadav for getting seats; and in Kashmir it was a part of the NDA’s programme of stemming the tide of the movement of the Kashmiri people through the bait of mainstream parliamentary politics. However, it must be iterated that in the working class front the C.I. T. U, led by the CPI (M), has considerable influence in other states as well. What is to be mentioned here is that the CPI (M) has now a grown aversion even for economic struggles. It voices its protest against globalization but invites MNCs in the states it rules. We expose this double-face of the CPI (M) in our campaign against revisionism.

To keep its hold on the working class, the CITU, now and then, gives calls for all India Bandhs and other forms of protests. The leadership of CITU may be isolated and exposed as agents of capital at the local level, but it is still capable to organize protests in its ruling states and other states too. The ideological fight was completed in 1967 to clinch the line question, when we established protracted peoples war as a path of our strategy for Indian Revolution. Two paths emerged then onwards. One is the parliamentary path under the leadership of the CPI and CPM, and another path is Protracted Peoples War under the leadership of the communist revolutionaries. In the course of history, the revisionist CPI (M) transformed into social fascists by using the state apparatus to strengthen its existence and rule. In order to continue its existence, it is serving the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie of India and Imperialism.

In Bengal and in other areas too, we have to fight, not only ideologically and politically but also in the military sphere, in self-defence, to counter and expose the muscle power of the social fascist CPI (M).

Pradeep: The Right opportunists in the leadership of the ML camp also joined the parliamentary path after the setback of Naxalbari, giving their own interpretations. In the course of development all these parties (small or big) adopted the parliamentary path as a line not as tactics, since the last two and half decades. Verbally they accept Maoism (or Mao Tse-tung Thought), but in practice they never adopted it to build an underground Party, People’s Army and a Revolutionary United Front, which are the main essence of Mao’s Protracted People’s War to seize political power in any semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. Practice is the final outcome to judge any party’s political line and its tactics adopted to achieve the strategy. So, now once again we have to continue ideological, political struggle to expose the parliamentary path taken by the rightist ML parties. There is less scope to expect that these parties will come back to the path of revolution. But a considerable section in the cadres of the ML camp have a sincerity to work for revolution. So, ideologically, politically we have to win over this section by exposing the real deeds of the pseudo revolutionary leaders of the ML camp.

In different areas and states of India, in order to advance the people’s war through out the country, there is utmost need to fight in the ideological and political spheres, particularly against the C.P.I. (M.L) [Liberation] type of revisionists, and also the rightist streams of the other ML parties and groups.

Pradeep: After the martyrdom of the Com. Charu Mazumdar the founder leader, ideologue of our party, the CC became defunct. All the state committees too were seriously affected by the repression. The majority of the comrades were either martyred of arrested. There was no review of the party line. No leader of the leading team survived to rebuild the party from the ruins. Right and Left lines emerged. The various central committees, which were formed between 1971-74, could not function. This was a new experience in the annals of the communist history of the world. The CPI (ML) (Liberation), CPI (ML) (PW), CPI (ML) (PU) were struggling to adopt the correct line by continuing the armed struggle in the late 70’s and early 80’s. At this juncture the MCC also tried its level best to establish a proper line. The CPI (ML) (PW) practiced its line in AP and DK, whereas Liberation, PU and MCC parties practiced their lines mainly in Bihar. All of them overcame the initial obstacles to build the mass movement, mass base, and the party and armed units.

Later, the Liberation abandoned the armed struggle in the name of correcting the mistakes of the 1970’s left line. The other three organizations emerged as the real revolutionaries and tried to from a single united party. Due to political differences in basic understanding, the MCC – PW merger talks failed and the erstwhile PW and the erstwhile PU merged to form the PW. The struggle led by these two parties, i.e. the MCC & PW (98 onwards), developed and expanded to 7 states by forming various Guerrilla Zones and Guerilla Bases, with the aim of building Base Areas. In some more states, mass movements were initiated, with the aim of building Guerrilla Zones.

You are correct. After having such rich experiences, these parties could not yet make a break-through in the struggle in West Bengal. The birthplace of Naxalbari suffered more in its attempts to continue the armed struggle. After the set-back two trends emerged here. One, ultra left and another ultra right. Whatever may be the names of the groups, in essence, these two trends dominated the scene. No doubt new generations joined various groups and in general people felt Naxalbari is the only path as the objective conditions further matured to intensify the class struggle. But the main thing was missing: the party and a correct political line, which could lead and advance the movement, did not yet emerge. The reasons are:

(a) There was no proper review of the past to build the parts on the new tactics.

(b) Acceptable leadership did not emerge in Bengal, which caused enormous loss to the revolutionary movement. The various CCs and State Committees, which were formed from 1972 to 2000 almost for a quarter century, they failed to develop; and the application of a correct political line was lacking.

(c) In mid 80’s we initiated some struggles in Nadia, but the then leadership of our party failed to understand the guerrilla war principles, which were to be adopted in the plains.

(d) A long sustained movement was developed in various parts of the country, but the Bengal did not play its historical role again, due to the improper, incorrect assessment of the situation.

An opportunity came in the late 70’s and mid 80’s and again in the 90’s. To rebuild and reorganize the party, left and right trends stood in the way. Even the state units of our party and the MCC were also not prepared to initiate the struggle by analyzing and applying the general tactics of the party to the particular conditions of the Bengal.

(e) The impact of white terror of the 70’s was not properly faced and there was no proper retaliation to it ideologically, politically, organizationally and militarily. So, naturally a black bolt continued in the minds of the party leadership to initiate the struggle. A few among the leadership of the 70s mainly the 2nd and 3rd rank leadership at the time emerged as leaders of new splinter groups. They lacked a proper political line and also determination, sacrifice, commitment to restart the struggle in Bengal.

(f) Assessment of the CPM’s nature, character and its methods was very wrong. Earlier, almost all the parties and groups underestimated the CPM’s strength and later over estimated it. They did not see the weakness of the CPM to break through the situation. It was assumed that people of Bengal were with the CPM. The reforms adopted by the CPM had a wrong impact on the revolutionary movement. Apart from this in practice there were some limitations shown by some groups or individuals, and also the state, under CPM rule, suppressed the voice of protest in any form cruelly.

No doubt, the CPM in the last 25 years strengthened its position and transformed itself into a social fascist party. But, if we study the situation carefully and with the vision of both a long-term and immediate perspective, and draw up the tactics depending on the general line of the party we will certainly advance. In the advancement again right and left deviations may come. See for example, after initiating the armed struggle, again in Bengal we faced the right opportunism of Manik (ex-state secretary) and severe state repression from 2001 onwards. In the present stage of ruthless state repression and reformism of the CPI (M), we need sustained ideological struggle against revisionism, right opportunism and left deviations, a massive mass movement, exposure of the CPI (M) misdeeds, alongside strengthening of the party, mass base and military preparations to resist the attacks of reactionaries and the state. When, we applied our general line, and planned accordingly the tactics to be adopted in Bengal for a breakthrough in the stagnant situation, we succeeded to bring armed struggle onto the agenda. Now our state committee is concentrating to complete the rectification campaign, in order to eradicate the alien trends in the Party, which help us strengthen our movement against social fascism, revisionism and right opportunism. While the CPI (M) continues its role of deceiving the people, we had to proceed slowly, due to our subjective weakness. We had basically to start with some old cadres and fresh recruits who needed grasping of the new line of armed struggle. However, People’s War has returned to the agenda of the West -Bengal state, and is advancing to complete the preparations for the creation of the Bengal-Jharkhand- Orissa border area as a guerrilla zone.

Pradeep: The CPI (ML) Liberation in the late 1970s and early 1980s led some significant peasant struggles in Bihar. Naturally it could earn the prestige of a revolutionary organization. But it abandoned its revolutionary politics since the middle of the 1980s to join parliamentary mainstream politics by disbanding its armed squads and coming over ground in the name of correcting the sectarian tactics of the early 70s. With all this shift to revisionism, like the CPI (M), it also started physical assaults on the revolutionaries, vilification campaigns against them, and made alliances with reactionaries like the Samta Party and other such forces to reap political mileage in the electoral arena. Owing to its past record, despite waning influence, it still has a following in some parts of Bihar and Jharkhand. Its activities are now limited to arranging petty gains for the people through govt. institutions, like the CPI (M). What comrade Stalin wrote about Lenin’s prophetic sayings on the social-democrats in Russia is perfectly applicable to this renegade organization. To quote Stalin "… Lenin was a thousand times right when he said that the present-day social-democratic politicians are real agents of the bourgeoisie in the working class movement, the labour lieutenants of the capitalist class", that in the "civil war between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie" they would inevitably take "the side of the ‘Versaillese’ against the ‘Communards’" [J. V. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Foreign Language press, Peking 1976, p – 276.] The Naxalbari struggle was the salvo fired against the deeply entrenched revisionism in the Marxist movement in India. The CPI (ML)Liberation’s politics is nothing but to revert to the fundamentals of the revisionism of the CPI (M). We have been fighting this harmful trend by: exposing their real role; through ideological battles; and by retaliating against their attacks on our forces when necessary; — for the progress of revolutionary movement.

The Liberation under Vinod Mishra’s leadership brought the party to the over ground in its 5th Congress held in Kolkata in 1992 December. In the last 11 year’s practice it further dived deeper into revisionism and in the process it is transforming into a ruling party. Now its Constitution, Programme and tactics, that means its political line adopted at its Congress, accepts the Indian Constitution and so, this amounts to the support for the polices of the Indian Comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. "The party shall bear faith and allegiance to the constitution of India as by law established, and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy, and would uphold sovereignty, unity and integrity of India." (Article – 45)

Liberation’s outlook regarding the state and democracy practiced by the state is as stated in its Programme, "…Compared to many other Third-World countries, the affairs of the Indian state are generally conducted within a constitutional and parliamentary democratic frame work." (Programme). Liberation further analyses the existing rule as "under normal circumstances, Indian policy allows communists to work through open, legal and parliamentary means." Alas! What a degeneration of the party in the name of upholding Marxism- Leninism-Maoism.

To convince its sincere cadres it writes some phrases like, "the party of the proletariat must prepare it self for winning the ultimate decisive victory in an armed revolution." It will keep these sentences for another 1 or 2 Congresses.

Without concretely studying the documents of the Liberation and without assessing its practice some international parties are marinating fraternal relations with Liberation and this is causing harm to the Indian revolution. Still Liberation had the capacity to confuse the revolutionary camp in the country and abroad, which we have to expose further.

Knowingly or unknowingly some other ML parties, mainly those that belong to Satyanarayan Singh stream of rightist politics, have made alliances with Liberation. One difference is that the Liberation and New Democracy are branding MCCI and us as terrorists and anarchist etc., whereas many others stand in support of the movement led by us. However, further struggle and unity on issue-based programmes are needed with such rightist groups but not with Liberation. At this juncture, to counter state terror we need a broader front in which Liberation and others who oppose the state terror could be invited.

Pradeep: It is true that in the urban areas among the working class we have not been able to make any considerable headway. As agrarian revolution is the axis of our revolutionary struggle we have laid more stress on the agrarian front. But that does not mean we can make revolution without the massive participation of the working class in support of the people’s war. In some areas we have been trying to organize the workers.

Pradeep: You have correctly said that students came in large number to participate in political struggles during in different states of India. In A.P a large number of students joined the revolutionary movement in the late 70s and 80s. The influence increased so much that college unions were banned in A. P. In West Bengal students participated in large numbers in political struggles in the past. Actually speaking, students’ participation largely depends on the tide of political struggles in a given situation. Given the present situation, we are yet to develop waves of political struggles, which will have significant impact on the student community subjectively speaking. After the set back of the 1970s we concentrated our small forces in the villages and some industrial areas. On the student front we are yet to depute sufficient number of organizers. This apart, if we take into account the objective factors, we find a powerful trend towards depoliticisation of students through the well-organized state and media policy of preaching careerism, the systematic propaganda of encouraging the students to join the rat race for ‘bright prospects’ for future jobs, and most of all, a well-synchronised policy is being pursued to attract the students to consumerism. The repression of the state against the revolutionary student movement has been intensified wherever we have tried to build up a student movement. Besides that, the revisionist image of the CPI (M), CPI, etc. does level a very bad impact on the young students, many of whom wrongly equate Marxism with the nefarious activities of those revisionist parties and leaders. Added to this, the capture of power by revisionists in China, the degeneration of the Soviet Union, the anti-socialist trend in Europe, etc. provide a pessimistic picture to the young students. However, things are greatly changing. The gigantic rallies throughout the world against the war in Iraq is an indication of a new anti-imperialist upsurge. Though, as yet, these have little communist content; the futility of peaceful opposition will soon get exposed by the very brutal nature of US aggression. Moreover, though many are disillusioned by the set-back of socialism the sparks of Maoist peoples wars in some parts of the globe and with the pressure of Maoist forces elsewhere, the people will realize that there is no alternative to socialism with which to replace the crisis-ridden imperialist system. What is more, the horrors being perpetrated by the US in Iraq and elsewhere are forcing people to think of a concrete alternative to the existing bourgeois system. And as the anti-imperialist struggles worldwide intensifies, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will emerge as the only and new hope for future mankind.

26 - 03 - 2003

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