Volume 4, No. 9, September 2003

— Sujoy

"Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoise today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class". The CPI(M), boasts of being the vanguard of the proletariat. This ‘vanguard’s’ achievements can be attributed to the formation of state governments in three states: Kerala, Tripura and West Bengal and its efforts to build up unstable ‘Third Fronts’ at regular intervals. But, among all its ‘achievements’ or ‘success stories’, West Bengal stands as a rare example. Here, the working class is experiencing the ‘left’ government among ‘rightist encirclement’. It is very thought provoking to go into the dynamics of the livelihood of the working class of West Bengal.

Kolkota is still the cheapest among other metro cities. Here, one is not usually confronted with the question "to which caste do you belong?". Though the trend of protests is decreasing, here in West Bengal there is a strong tradition of struggle. All these are not boons from the ‘left front’ government. Rather, people have won their rights through struggle and bloodshed. Thousands of martyrs laid down their lives. They have sacrificed their ‘todays’ for a better ‘tomorrows’. The militant anti tram fare hike movement, the barricade struggle against the police in Kolkata, in the turbulent 60s & 70s will all be remembered long in the history of the communist movement. Communal harmony built up on the basis of proletarian brotherhood was a matter of pride to the Bengal proletariat, but the aspirations of the working class have never been fulfilled by the party.

All the sacrifices and social commitments were translated into votes by the ‘Communist Party’. The party took a line "independent of Russian or Chinese path of revolution". The CPI(M) is in the mood of "creatively applying" Marxism-Leninism to the concrete Indian conditions. Hence the time, according to them, is still not ripe enough for revolution. They state that they have taken part in the formation of a state government to show its limitations even in giving mere relief! However, the CPI(M) has pledged to safeguard the interests of the working class and preserve their democratic rights. They claim that in this way the West Bengal working class will boost the morale of the working class movement. It will be an eye opener to the teeming multitudes. Let’s examine how easy it is to crack this logic!

The reality is far from a rosy one. Workers, as far as their economic conditions go, are undergoing pangs of misery. The Left front government in West Bengal adopted its Industrial Policy in 1995. The policy with much fanfare and rhetoric was opposed to "reckless privatization" and abject surrender to foreign capital. The policy pledged to adhere to selective privatization and welcome foreign capital as per the State Government’s area of interest. i.e in plain black and white they, the [CPI(M)] have undertaken a Herculean task of monitoring imperialist capital! The nature of this imperialist capital is that it has undergone "the formation of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves"

Being a part of the state, the CPI(M) is unable to monitor or guide imperialist capital. In real terms it is toeing the New Economic Policy at the dictates of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. As per the tenth finance commission recommendations, the government of West Bengal is busy in implementing ‘reform’ projects’, i.e. allowing Indian or NRI businessman and foreign imperialist capital to take over our entire resource base. The main mantra is to sell all, that in their terms is unproductive, to give various concessions and tax holidays to set up capital-intensive industries, due to which the Govt. of West Bengal has to bear a loss to the tune of crores of rupees. But the CPI(M) has a long term objective. As per the recommendations of the Tenth Finance Commission, it hopes to gain in future, in terms of having a share in the economic loot. The 10th Finance Commission has made it clear to the state governments that the more they take part in this loot and surrender to the IMF-World Bank reform policies, the more will they gain. Thus there is a vicious circle. In this entire framework there is no space for the working class. What will be their fate?

"This King comes

But the Days don’t."

"One King comes,

But the times don’t."

The Left front government, in their industrial policy in 1994, had stated that they had completed the process of land reforms. Subsequently, the purchasing power of the rural population was supposed to have increased. Now, the rural demand base would act as an impetus to industrial development. The employment opportunities of the toiling masses would increase by leaps and bounds. But reality speaks otherwise.

In any economy there are three sectors—the primary, secondary and tertiary sector. The Primary or basic sector includes agriculture, agro-based sector and mining. The former recorded a negative growth rate to the tune of 22.61% in terms of employment opportunities in the period 1991 to 2001. The secondary sector includes industrial production, electricity, gas and construction work. Though in the same period, employment opportunity in construction work increased by 8.93%, the total employment opportunities in the secondary sector recorded a negative growth rate of 21.62%. This grim result can be attributed to the negative growth rate of 25.81% in employment opportunities in the period 1991-2001 in the industrial production sector. The tertiary sector also recorded a negative growth rate of 2.05% in employment opportunities in the same above mentioned period. Industry Minister Nirupam Sen delivered a lecture on the occasion of the 20th State Conference of CPI(M) at Moulali Yuva Kendra. He stated there that as per the central government’s policy they were compelled to invite private business houses for the sake of industrialisation. But, over the years the employment per each lakh of investment has decreased. In 1980-81 the figure was 2.28, and in 1998-99 it has decreased to 0.16.

From 1999 to 2001, though the organised sector expanded, the growth of employment opportunities shows a negative growth rate. The downward trend is very much eminent in the private sector. But, who cares? The CPI(M) West Bengal State committee secretary Anil Biswas has noticed some positive impact of the New Economic Policy and patted his own back about the progress in the industrial scenario in West Bengal. New factories are coming up in a microscopic number. In 2001 while 412 new factories were established 325 old factories were shut down. Workers employed in the new factories were 16.29 thousand while the workers who lost their jobs due to closure were 148.32 thousand in the above mentioned period. The CPI(M) led left front government has taken a policy of surrender with regard to retrenchment. Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya is busy appeasing the Mahindras, Khaitans, Tatas etc to set up industries in West Bengal. He is trying relentlessly to lure imperialist capital by posing an industry friendly atmosphere in West Bengal. The declared areas of indust-rialisation are infotech, food processing etc. All these sectors are those of labour saving technology .The matter does not end here. Recently the government has been planning to market its potentiality in industrialisation by means of a documentary film. The documentary will be prepared by an advertising agency. The agency will advertise the Tebagha movement, ‘land reforms’, Panchayati Raj and above all, ‘a responsible and peaceful Trade Union movement’. Is it not a shame that the glorious Tebagha Movement and the failure of the revisionist left to build up militant workers’ struggle are being marketed?

The venture of becoming reliable to the ruling class which started in the mid 60s is completing its full circle. The ‘left’ government has recently banned strikes in the export processing zones. This has a direct reflection in the statistics. In West Bengal mandays lost due to strike are far below mandays lost due to lockouts. Over the year, the percentage of mandays lost due to lockouts stands at nearly 90% of the total mandays lost. A mentality of defeat has been induced in the working class. Generally a trade union acts as a negotiator to any dispute. Here, they have tried to convince the workers about the grave condition of the industry concerned, the possibility of closure and raised the question about why the majority should suffer for a handful of workers! In this way the legitimacy of retrenchment is being incorporated into the Trade Union movement. It is felt that since the Government is in a crisis, the workers should not be militant or demand bonus, regular payment, etc. But, the Trade Unions which are busy citing the problems of the government do not ask why the government is not taking stringent measures against business houses which have not submitted PF money amounting Rs. 296.8 crores in 2001-02 and Rs.309.2 crore in 2000-01. There are provisions of judicial custody, fines for the defaulter business houses, according to Indian law, but all these laws and by laws have no meaning for the ‘left’ government which has surrendered meekly to the business houses. Even in determining the Minimum Wages Act regulation the CPI(M) led front shows its apathy. In the 31st Labour Ministers’ Conference in 1980 it was decided that pay scale revision and minimum wages evaluation must not exceed more than a gap of two years. But, in this aspect also there is gross negligence. The minimum wages in the maximum of units have last been revised ten to fifteen years back. Along with this, in West Bengal too, there is a growing tendency of contractual work, as per the IMF- World Bank dictum.

In West Bengal doctors and teachers are identified as nonproductive white-collar employees. They are now recruited on a contractual basis. Society also seems to have given consent to this. However, a dangerous trend is creeping into our social fabric. In real terms, contract work is undergoing a process of social acceptability. Now, it will spread its wings in other sectors also. In the last tripartite agreement in the jute industry, regarding casual workers, Bhagawalas, voucher labourers etc, it was decided to give them wages that are far less than the permanent workers. Thus, the contractual process has been legalized under government purview. This is in clear violation of the Indian constitution where it is stated that it is mandatory to give equal pay for equal work. Moreover, some trade unions have alleged that the government’s blue-eyed businessman, Sarda, or Arun Bajoria, has agreed to set up the jute industry where all workers are on a contractual basis and they are out of even the tripartite agreement preview.

The living condition of the workers of West Bengal is not very different from other states of India. Their economic status in real terms is decreasing. They are pitted against the wall. But, here too there is a difference. In 1977 the left-front government came to power by assuring democratic rights for all and for the working class in particular. Besides of the presence of a ‘left’ trade union like CITU it was expected to create some space for democracy. But, as we all know democracy is a class concept and CITU has become a tool to implement the left front government policy. The democratic right of association and to voice protest are met with severe draconian measures.

Nowadays, it has become a regular feature that the ‘man of words’ Buddhadeb Bhattacharya is up in arms against militant trade unionism. Recently in a business conclave in Maharashtra, he said that there are some problems of the market with lack of demand in the jute sector. This is partially true. Still, till now annual average production is stable at 3000 metric tonnes over the years. Though there is stiff competition from the plastic lobby, the new environmental consciousness is sure to give an impetus to the demand for jute. Actually what is needed in the jute industry is modernisation and well planned market strategy. But, the moneylender and contractor have become virtual owners of the jute industry, through lease agreements. These owners/touts have no interest or far sightedness for the industry. They only understand short term remedies. ie scrap labour, retrench, freeze wages of labourers etc. The State government does not remain a mute spectator. True to their nature they have taken the owners’ side.

In Kanoria, Victoria or some other jute mill struggle, ordinary workers, in frustration, have beaten up established trade union leaders. The workers have been forming their own trade unions. In Victoria Mills, a worker, Bhikari Paswan was kidnapped and killed by the police for daring to attack trade union activists who were ‘chamchas’ of the management. In Kanoria the attack on workers was from the state government. The Kamarhati jute mill case is a classic, representative example of the CPI(M)-police-management nexus to curb the workers’ movement.

The number of workers in the Kamarhati jute mill had come down to 4000 from 14,000. The workload was increased many-fold. The profits too were on an increasing trend. Still CITU and other trade unions started to campaign about excess workers in some departments. They tried to build up an opinion in favour of retrenchment and created much tension among workers. All of a sudden on 29th July 2000 the mill was closed. A suspension of work notice was issued. The workers protested along with local revolutionary student-youth organisations. They blocked the godown and came down in the streets. Road blockades, rallies became a regular feature. In the course of the movement the CPI(M) and the police unleashed a reign of terror. Some detentions were made to terrorise the movement. Still, there was a successful Kamarhati bandh on 13th August. At this point, the management and the CPI(M) panicked. They came down heavily on a workers’ rally which was heading for a deputation to meet the labour minister on 29th August 2000. Though materially or economically the workers gained little, the incident is an eye opener to all.

The workers of Hindustan Lever waged a heroic battle for a decade to elect a workers’ union through secret ballot. Though the left front government passed a bill in this regard, the revolutionary workers defied CITU’s big brother attitude, hooliganism and misinformation campaign, in the course of their just demand which they finally won. Now, the workers have objected to the VRS scheme of the management. The management in response, declared a lock out in the factory. In this case also as per the rules the act of the management is illegal. No prior notice was served to the government citing the cause of lock out. Still the state government remains a mute spectator.

The case of Hindustan Motors is a glaring example of surrender and resistance. Here the bargaining agent, CITU, for the first time in 32 years, was officially thrown out by the workers. This is the first test case of MacKinsey. But, since the factory has a legacy of struggle, how could it surrender? Hindustan Motors officially started production in 1948 at Hindmotor, Hooghly. The factory is owned by the notorious Birlas. The workers have waged many a heroic struggle against Birlas’ exploitation. In the course of struggle a trade union leader and some workers have laid down their lives. In 1961 workers had waged a movement for bonus. A general strike followed. The management, in response, had tried in vain to forcibly start production with the help of workers from outside, who were taken by trains from Howrah to Hindmotor. The workers of Hindmotor gave a tough resistance. The Birlas’ plan was defeated. Veteran dramatist Utpal Dutta had staged a drama enthused by this resistance struggle, named "Special Train".

Now, the situation has changed. The Left government has taken up the reigns of power. It is in the mood of establishing a special trend. In 1999 at Raichak, near the Hooghly river there was an industrial conclave titled "Destination West Bengal". There, industrialists and the government discussed in detail the prospect of industry in West Bengal. The hindrances to the industrial development were also discussed. There, the name of MacKinsey first came in the agenda of the left front government via the Birlas. It is an American management consultancy firm. Actually Mackinsey had made its presence felt as an organisation, prior to this conclave. In 1997-98 Mackinsey was hired by Hindustan Motors to suggest how to extract more surplus. Mackinsey prescribed the sacking of 8000 out of 11000 workers and asked the management to switch over to assembled production from more stable vertical production. This trend is sure to have a wide impact in the industrial scenario. Screw driver technology will be more rampant. The management, also in response planned to act as per Mackinsey’s suggestion.

But, the workers resisted. They, for a long time were organising themselves within the CPI(M) led CITU and had formed the Sangrami Sramik Karmachari Union (SSKU). CITU acted as an agent of the management. It tried to raise the issue of the losses of the factory and made many jobless . Thus VRS, retrenchment, DA freeze etc were posed as the only alternative. Finally, the workers retaliated by electing the SSKU. The struggle is going on. The victory in the union election is just a step forward for the SSKU to attain some of the worker’s legitimate, justified demands. Only further struggle can thwart the Mackinsey- Birla venture.

Let us trace our steps back to where we started our discussion. The West Bengal government, though left in colour, has failed miserably in terms of safeguarding the economic interests and democratic rights of the workers. There have been many revolts that were drastically dealt with. The hope of reform i.e. giving relief to the workers, seems to be impossible from any party which is a part of the system. It is a tested truth that the economic relief that the state gives is not any good Samariatan act. The State is compelled through numerous struggles to give some concessions. Any sincere communist party though it would part in the struggle for partial demands it would fight militantly and simultaneously organise the workers for the overthrow of the system. Moreover, it considers it it’s duty to present its demands not merely on the basis of the economic struggle alone, but of all manifestations in general of public and political life. In a word, it subordinates the struggle for reforms, as a part to the whole, to the revolutionary struggle for freedom and socialism.12 But what if the opposite were to happen — to establish a trend of wooing the imperialists and big business houses? Then we would have this CPI(M) brand of Marxism —‘left’ in form i.e. colou, but ‘right’ in essence.

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