Volume 4, No. 7, July 2003

Com. Gaurav: Revisionism is bourgeois ideology inside the communist movement. It is a degenerate ideology, which betrays one’s own class and serves the class enemy. Thus Lenin has described revisionism as more dangerous and injurious for the working class movement than that of the open enemies. Because the reactionaries are openly antagonistic, there is little chance for them to hoodwink the working class. But revisionism kills the movements from inside by using the catchwords of Marxism, which Lenin calls "killing kindly". Mao very correctly compares revisionism with a green snake in the grass. Since revisionism is a weapon in the hands of reaction to sabotage it from inside, and a by-product of the communist movement, it is bound to appear and injure all communist parties in general. The Communist Movement in our country and our Party, the CPN (Maoist) cannot be an exception.

There is a longstanding history of struggle against revisionism in our country. The Party was basically on a revolutionary track, for the first 6 years, since its inception in April 1950. Right after that the leadership of the party was constantly dominated by various shades of revisionism for decades, albeit the fact that the overwhelming majority of the cadres was revolutionary. Thus the history of the Communist Movement of Nepal is full of vigorous line struggle, in which the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of China played a profoundly significant role in the anti-revisionist struggle. Apart from Khruschovite revisionism, all major trends of revisionism found in the ICM were traced and fought against in Nepal.

You have asked about the specific struggle against UML revisionism, which is of paramount importance for us. The UML is a vicious form of revisionism, which is more pernicious and deadly than any other forms of revisionism. It has been largely successful in deceiving the revolutionary masses for a long time, cashing in on the historical Jhapa Movement of the early ’70s (a movement impacted by Naxalbari…… Editor), to get votes in the parliament through which it was placed in the reactionary government. Though the leadership of the UML is an example of betrayal and heinous degeneration of the historical Jhapa movement, yet it was able to mislead the masses for many years. The leaders of the UML are so hypocritical and masters at sophistry, that simultaneously they can play different cards. They talk about the Jhapa movement on the one hand and advocate the reactionary system and ‘constitutional monarchy’ on the other; have fraternal relation with arc-revisionist parties like the Communist Party of China and CPM in India on the one hand and attend the ICML international conference on the other.

Our Party has been able to fight and defeat this vicious form of revisionism fighting in both the fronts: exposing them through the highest form of class struggle, i.e. the People’s War (PEOPLE’S WAR) and also through constant and effective ideological and political debate. The UML is now a strange mixture of various shades of opportunism and revisionism moreover exposed and isolated from the revolutionary masses.

Gaurav: At the concrete situation of the development of the people’s war in Nepal, we have put forward three interrelated and unified demands of ‘round table conference, interim government and constitutional assembly’. Our Party thinks that the declaration of cease-fire and the process of negotiation and subsequently these three inter connected demands are manifestations of the ‘Strategic Equilibrium’ stage of on going people’s war of our country. The tactics of cease-fire and negotiation has become necessary for both the warring forces, the regime and us, because it was not possible for both sides to defeat the other side only through military actions. This demand has to be considered in the context of this situation.

As far as the constitutional assembly is concerned, it is sure to be formed through the election. But how will the election take place? Who will be responsible to hold the election? In our concept, the interim government should be formed after the abrogation of the existing constitution and dissolution of the present army, which is not the national army but the army of the palace. The constitutional assembly will be convoked only after fulfilling the above-mentioned two tasks. This point should have to be clear. If the election of the constitutional assembly were speculated to be held by the existing government under the present constitutions, it would be misleading and a betrayal. When the above two demands will be fulfilled before holding the election to the constitutional assembly, our party will participate in the election and we have confidence that the conscious Nepalese masses will elect the genuine representatives and a republican constitution will be promulgated. There is every reason to believe that it will not be a bourgeois republic like India or the US; it will be a People’s Republic.

So far as dealing with the revisionist forces is concerned, first of all they are against this proposal. They are in favour of making only some reforms on some of the clauses through the parliament. The question comes, if they will support and follow up the process, then what. Those who are struggling to fulfill these slogans, they will participate in this process. It is up to the Nepalese people as to how they will deal with them during the election. But we will not disband them and not declare that they will not be eligible for participating in this election. They will expose themselves among the masses.

Gaurav: Its answer is both yes and no. When the People’s Democratic Nepal will be established the forces and personalities fighting against imperialism and feudalism will be represented in the new state. The new constitution will be promulgated in which the fundamental rights of the people should be guaranteed, in which people will have the right to elect and to be elected. The people will have rights to choose their representatives of their choice. In such elections all the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal forces, apart from the communist party, can also participate on the banner of their parties, can be elected, and be chosen in the government. Thus there are also other parties besides the communist party. In this respect, multi-party, ‘yes’. But the reactionary parties who are working for imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat and comprador capitalism will not be legitimated and the right to elect and be elected will not be provided to them. So the new democratic republic cannot be equated with the old bourgeois ‘multi-party’ and thus ‘no’ in this aspect. It is essential to clarify that the New Democratic Republic is not a one party system — other anti-imperialist and anti-feudal parties and organizations will be legitimate and recognised by the state.

Gaurav: It is difficult to answer this question in black and white. It will depend on the development of the over all situation including the role of the counter part. It will also depend on the world situation and balance of power. So far as our Party is concerned, we like no more blood shed. We like the confronting problems to be solved without further bloodshed. But what we wish does not decide everything. While going to the dialogue we have made it clear, and the Chairman of our Party, Com. Prachanda, has repeatedly made it clear through statements, that when the situation compels us we are ready at anytime to raise arms even more effectively than before. Thus our future course of action will be decided according to the concrete development of the situation, whether it will be without raising arms or with arms. Only an interim government is not our demand. It is obvious to our Party, our People’s Liberation Army, all our mass organizations, and the broad masses that we are ready to raise arms more effectively than before when the situation will demand. We are determined not to surrender our arms that have been achieved at the cost of blood, without the aims of the war being achieved. We will never go against the interest and will of the masses, who are the real makers of history. Now we are in the process of negotiating with the regime for the sake of bringing out an advanced way out of the present crisis of the country. But we will not conceal our line from our friends and the people.

Jayant: After the World War II, the Communist Party of France shed arms and joined the parliamentary process. Do you not think there are possibilities for the derailment of the Armed struggle in the new situation?

Gaurav: So far the possibility of derailing the revolution and joining the rotten parliament is concerned, that is always there and every Maoist party should always be alert to fight it out and reduce the damage to be caused by this revisionist trend.

Jayant: Which specific measures have you thought out to positively check your Party’s sliding into the morass of revisionism?

Gaurav: Well, there is no such immediate danger or possibility of revisionism emerging inside our Party. But we should have to be always alert and vigilant against any kind of opportunism, among which right opportunism is more dangerous. As already been discussed, revisionism is always pernicious and dangerous for the communist movement. The important point is that there is an objective ground for the emergence of revisionism in our society dominated by the petit bourgeois classes and thus alertness and awareness against revisionism is always necessary.

Regarding the measures to check revisionism, we are constantly taking up some measures. First, it is necessary to understand that revisionism is not merely a concern of the communist parties, but it is a concern of the whole society. Therefore, in order to prevent the emergence of revisionism, it is necessary to mobilise the whole masses against it for which awareness of the masses is very important. Thus our Party carries out massive propaganda and debating campaigns against revisionism to educate the masses. Second, revisionism cannot be exposed among the masses only through propaganda. It should be thoroughly exposed in the field of class struggle. It is the great people’s war, which has exposed the most pernicious revisionism of the UML in our country. Fight against the UML and other forms of revisionism is itself a measure of preventing revisionism in our own Party. Third, participating in the international debates against revisionism and all sorts of opportunist trends is important as well. We have experienced in the ICM that Parties like those in Vietnam and North Korea, who tried to keep themselves aside in the great debate contributed subsequently to turn to revisionism. Active participation in the international centre of Maoist parties is important. Any trend of making compromises with the wrong trends in the ICM ultimately breeds and paves the way for opportunist and revisionist trends in the communist movement of the individual country. Our Party and communist movement in our country have been benefited in fighting out opportunism and revisionism by our participation in Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). Fourth, besides this regular education, exposure and fight against revisionism, our Party carries out rectification campaigns and political training inside the Party.

Gaurav: Yes, economism is one of the causes of revisionism. In order to prevent revisionism it is necessary to fight against economism, which appears in different forms at different periods of time. When economic questions are given more importance than the ideological and political questions there is every chance of it breeding and growing economism. Economism manifests in various forms including the "left" form. To fight out economism, the communist party should have to put politics and ideology always in command. When ideology and politics lose command and economic struggles get prominence; it prepares ground for breeding economism.

In our country, there is a tradition in the movement of bringing the ideological and political issues to the forefront, rather than economic issues. Economic issues hardly become more dominant than the political issues, in the political movement of our country. Thus, historically, economism has not been the main danger in our country. But there is objective ground for that; economism can manifest in different forms and thus awareness and alertness is necessary.

Economism becomes rather a big problem when it penetrates within the Maoist movement. The forms of economism to be found in opportunist and Maoist parties are different. For the opportunists and revisionists economic struggle is the only form of struggle, which is decisive for them. It is problem for the Maoist parties waging or preparing for armed struggle. In such parties economism can be manifested in the form of militant economism or armed economism. It can be manifested in the form of seizure and distribution of land should be the main aim of the armed struggle, which can attract broad sections of the masses in favour of the armed struggle. This line pulls back the party from the central task. Capturing the state power is the central task of every revolution. If the revolutionary parties deviate from this central task and engage themselves in capturing and distribution of land, it can lead to militant economism. Economism can also appear during the people’s war; the question is whether the main stress should be given to consolidating guerilla zones and base areas including economic aspects, or to developing the whole war to a higher level and to spread it widely. The principal aspect should be developing the whole war to a higher level with the aim of seizure of countrywide power. It is also important to grasp and popularise in the entire party and the masses how world revolution is important and how the revolution of one country is a part of the world revolution.

In order to fight against economism it is necessary to educate the masses that ideological and political issues and struggles are more important than the economic issues and struggles, otherwise there is danger of economism rising, especially in a section of the people who are politically backward. This idea can be manifested also in the Party. This can be overcome by mobilizing the people overwhelmingly in political issues and waging political struggles and people’s war.

March 25, 2003

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