Volume 3, No. 9, September 2002

— Bhaskar

While traveling with the squads, with the platoons, what strikes an observer is not only the presence of a large number of mahila (women) comrades, but the type of new comrades growing up in the guerrilla zones and the healthy man-woman relations prevalent there. The women comrades reflect a confidence not seen in the feudal cultural milieu generally prevalent in India’s villages (and even towns and cities). Most come from oppressed feudal backgrounds and entry into the PW Party is an enormous liberating experience. Not only is there a healthy atmosphere between comrades of the sexes, there is encouragement from the Party to grow and take leadership responsibilities. Patriarchal attitudes are frowned on by the leadership, and though it exists to some extent, there is continuous education against it. Generally, after a few years in the squad, two comrades mutually decide to enter into a relation, discuss it with the respective committee, and after a certain period of getting to know each other get married. Yet, even after marriage, the possessiveness generally seen in society is much less, with both partners freely mixing with all comrades.

Lenin had once said that the extent of the emancipation of women is a measure of the growth of the overall liberation achieved. Here too it is true. And what was particularly endearing was the child-like innocence, warmth and yet confidence in taking on big responsibilities of the women comrades. With large numbers of mahila martyrs in NT (North Telangana), it was a pleasure to observe such happy/friendly comrades, with no fear of death. No doubt, after the Tupakullaguddam encounter, the mahila comrades wept profusely. When Saranna was martyred, his sister, Samakka, wept for days. Their feelings for their comrades are strong. But they too are strong, and if their husbands are martyred after the initial period of intense sadness, with understanding from their fellow comrades they get over it and even later re-marry. So, when Benjamin was martyred at Tupkullaguddam, his very lively and playful wife, Manjulla, was no doubt extremely sad. But she will definitely get over it. Just as Bharati has done. Bharati from Kalvapelli village of Eturnagaram, was in touch with the movement since 1985, when she was very young. In 1989 her husband was martyred. She continued with the movement, and later married com. Prakash. She is now a commander of an LGS, and Prakash a district committee member. Both in Khammam district.

After all, what was it the drew the 14 year old Sandhya, also of Kalvapelli village, towards the squads, when before her own eyes she sees so many comrades being martyred. First of course is the image of the Party, as being a champion of the poor. Second, is the respect given to women comrades, which is not seen in society outside. Third, is an ambition to do something for society and grow as an individual — life in the village is not only hard, it is drab and unfulfilling. There is no scope to grow and flower there (of course, where the women’s movement is strong, they can play a similar role in the village). So Sandhya, after only being 3-months with the JNM squad, though child-like and innocent, is brimming with self-confidence and assertive. It was she who demanded again and again that she be taken, though under-age (16 years is the minimum for recruitment).

In this article we will profile a number of mahila comrades, both leaders and ordinary cadres. From their lives, both before and after joining the movement, we will give a picture of the growth of consciousness amongst the women of North Telangana.

But before coming to the individuals, let us see the efforts taken by the Party leadership — i.e. the North Telengana Special Zonal Committee — to develop women comrades who join the Party.

It was July 1997 when the NTSZC organised a special 10-day camp of the leading women comrades of North Telangana. The camp was attended by 32 comrades, which included four District Committee Members. Also two mahila comrades from AP region attended. The camp focused on problems actually faced by women comrades. The issues taken up at this meeting were:

1) The problems faced in organizing women at the grass roots level.

2) How to develop the women comrades who come through the mahila sangams at the village level; and how to raise their consciousness and organising abilities so that they are able to become members of GRCs, GRDs, cells, etc.

3) Discussed the problems women face in squads and committees, and how these can be solved.

4) How to deal with reaction of families in their homes, when women are recruited.

5) Discussed on the issue of the family, family planning and man-woman relations in general.

6) How to solve the problems faced by a woman Central Organiser working in the towns.

7) How to view the problem of re-marriage; particularly if someone is in jail for long, and the partner outside thinks of re-marrying.

8) On what basis to distribute the land after seizing it; how to give the woman her share.

These, and many more questions were discussed. It was at this meeting that the concept of a separate mahila squad was discussed to focus more on organizing women at the village level. It was finally decided to form at least one mahila squad in each district. It is since then that separate mahila squads have been functioning in most districts of NT, including Khammam.

The mahila squads have been effective in increasing the focus of organizing women in the villages. Though this task is also taken up by the local LGS (Local Guerrilla Squad), due to the large number of responsibilities it has, it often tends to get neglected; the mahila squad adds to that focus. Speaking to the Khammam mahila squad, they gave a picture of how they are generally received:

Q. How do the men in the village receive the mahila dalam (squad)?

R. Comrade Jillani, commander of the mahila dalam, said that at first she too was afraid as to whether they would be accepted. But she found that not only the women, but also the men came to them with their problems. She added, "with this our confidence increased. Often when we go to a village the men approach us first. No one thinks that they are women; they see us as just another squad. Besides, there have been many mahila commanders in this region, so they are used to women playing a leading role".

Q. Does the dalam go specifically to women in the village?

R. Our main aim is to focus on women, but if other issues come up we also take them. For our food, we often rely on both the women and the men of the sangham.

Q. Can you give an example of an issue taken up at the village level?

R. In this village there was a girl who was raped, who then committed suicide. We organised a people’s court in the village; and the culprit was given a thorough beating, first by the squad members, and then by the women of the village. The villagers also fixed a fine of Rs.60, 000 to be paid to the family of the deceased.

Q. The Chief Minister, Naidu, has come out with a lot of schemes for the women in the villages; how has this affected your work?

R. A large section of the women here are tribals. Here there is no dowry and patriarchal oppression is not as acute as in the plains. Naidu has come with basically two schemes for women — the DWARKA & Podapu (savings) schemes. DWARKA is basically a group self-employment programme. A DWARKA group is formed in a village by a ‘supervisor’ who runs the groups, in 4 or 5 villages. He/she is paid by the government. These were started in about 1995. Each DWARKA group has a president and a secretary. The group then takes an interest-free loan from the bank to run various income generating schemes, like sewing machines, other machines, buffaloes, tractors, etc. These DWARKA groups are also given small government contracts, like the repairing of roads, ponds, lakes, anganwadis, etc. Only a part of the loan has to be returned. The profits earned are then distributed amongst the DWARKA group members and kept in bank accounts of the women themselves. The DWARKA group invariably must organize to take women to TDP meetings.

On the other hand the Podapu scheme is a mere savings scheme for women. This was started in about 1997/98. These groups were basically initiated by NGOs working in league with the government. In the Eturnagaram area the main work was done by an NGO called MARIE (from Mahboobnagar). They have organizers who roam around the villages. In this scheme, all the women of the group save Rs.1 per day and at the end of the month give Rs.30 to the leader of the group. She then deposits the whole amount in a bank. After two years the government is supposed to return double the money. Ganga, a mahila dalam member said, " in my village, Tupakullagudam, in the first round the money was returned. But now the women are not even able to get back the amount they put in. They have been doing rounds of the bank, to no avail".

Jillani adds that " the affect of both these schemes have been on middle-class women. In the DWARKA scheme as they have something to gain women join it. Now many have not returned the loans. But it did draw a lot of women into it, as we were ineffective in countering it with our propaganda. Even where our mahila sanghams existed, many of them joined these schemes. Though they continue to support us they are also with these schemes. In a bid to counter us the government got the DWARKA/Podapu women to oppose liquor. But it was cleverly diverted to smash brewing in the homes to pave the way for increased sales through the brandy shops. For example in Katapur village, the police stood by as the women smashed the ‘bhattis’ in people’s houses. As soon as they attempted to close the brandy shop, they were threatened with arrest. The Party is now trying to expose these schemes more effectively and suggesting village cooperatives, unconnected with banks, etc. to build their own savings schemes and undertake development projects".

I spoke to a cross-section of mahila comrades, not only of the mahila dalam, but also in the LGSs and the platoons, many of whom were playing the role of commanders and deputy commanders. They recounted their history before joining the Party and then life in the Party.

She was barely 15 years when she began attending mass meetings in the village. She is from a village in the plain area on the Warangal-Nalgonda border, in Warangal district. She belongs to a middle peasant family and has been full-time with the Party since 1995. She did not attend school in the village, but picked up how to read and write in the home. Her eldest brother was a sympathizer of the Party, and another elder brother was an organizer in the area. The two younger brothers were vehemently opposed to the Party. When she was small, the Party had mobilized the masses of her village and planted the red flag on the landlord’s land. It was the period of the land upsurge of 1990, when thousands from that area had attended the mammoth Warangal meeting. Her brother was part of the 1+2 team, one of whose members was soon killed by the landlords. This brother was continuously arrested. She said, "in those days I could not understand much, except the fact that the red flag stood for the poor. Then one day when I went to a relative’s village, three organizers, in uniform, came to that house. Though at first, I was scared, they spoke briefly about the Party, and it was the first time that I began to get some understanding. It is then that I began thinking of joining. The Party first asked me to form a mahila sangam in the village. But due to the intense repression in the area no one was willing to come forward. Finally, I was recruited into the dalam in 1995, and worked for many years in the Nikonda area of Warangal district. In end 1997, after joining the platoon, due to health reasons had to go out. Information leaked and I was arrested and tortured. After being interrogated for days was sent to jail. Throughout, the police continued to propagate against the Party to break our moral. For a time I too was confused, and the Party had not contacted me. Though a jail committee was formed, they were isolated from the rest. The police also kept talking to my parents who used to come and visit me in jail. After five months I was given bail. This was early 1999. After spending a month at home, I then got contact with the Party. I was kept in a shelter for 2 months somewhere in Chityal district. Repression was so intense, that I did not even get to see the sunlight staying indoors, and even going to the toilet only at 3 am. I was then sent to the Etunagaram region, which is under the Khammam DC. I was first in a CGS for six months; then an LGS deputy commander for a year; then an AC member; and now commander of the Mahila dalam".

Swaroopa also comes from a middle peasant family, from the neighbouring Madhevpur area of Karimnagar district. There have been a number of recruits from her village. She recounts: it was the late 1980s, when I was very young. There was a Muslim family friend in the village that was also in touch with the Party. My relatives and he jointly took a liquor contract. But when the Party opposed, the Muslim gave it up. When my relatives refused to give up the contract, the Muslim organized the masses and smashed their bhattis. My relatives threatened to kill him, so he joined the dalam. Then the dalam came and called the entire village. We were very scared and bolted the door of the house and stayed inside. The nest day the Muslim, who was with the squad called me and my elder sister to the squad. I was then only 10 years. They explained about the Party. Later, my sister would meet them regularly. Afraid that she would join the Party, my parents forcibly got her married. There were big fights in the house, in which I fully supported my parents and opposed the Party. The in-laws forcefully took her away, so she informed the dalam. They organised a people’s court in the village, and got her a divorce. They asked her to stay in the village and build a women’s organization. She did that and then joined the dalam. Through this entire process I was opposed to her and the Party. When the police came to know about my sister, a force of hundred came, smashed the house, destroyed the food grains by throwing kerosene on it and arrested me (though I was barely 12). They viciously beat me, but once they realized that I did not know anything, they let me go. Shocked by the attack my mother died within a month.

After that when the dalam came to our village, I went and abused them, saying that because of them, our family has been destroyed. Out of a feeling of guilt, my elder sister surrendered, and returned home to help the family. But, she continued to meet them, while I still opposed. But, I had a close friend who was harassed and beaten by her in-laws. She spoke very positively of the dalam, who finally took a people’s court and gained a divorce. It was then that I began to think that the Party was good, and began meeting them. Again my father hurriedly got me married. I was barely 15 and was vehemently opposed to the marriage. Though I went for 10 days I returned. When my father forced me to go back I tried to commit suicide and consumed some insecticide. Then I went and met the dalam, who took me directly into the squad. This was 1996. Ironically, when I joined the PW, my sister joined the Phani Bagchi group, which is also active in the area. I spent 5 years in a dalam in my region and since the last one year have been transferred to the Eturnagaram region". Though Swaroopa, has kept very bad health, and even had an operation, she insists to be with the dalam and not outside.

Besides the one male member of the dalam, com. Ganga has been around for a couple of years, while com. Uma, has been with the dalam for about six months.

Ganga, from a well-off tribal peasant family of Tupakullaguddam, learned to read and write only after joining the Party. She had joined the dalam in mid-1999. There was a plan for her to marry the legendary tribal leader of the area, com. Prabhakar. He was then a DCM and also happened to be her distant relative. But, within three days of entering the dalam, he was martyred. This affected her very badly.

Uma, the young and lively comrade from the famous Bhoopatipuram village, is the fourth young girl from that village to join the squads. There have been no male recruits from that village. Nicknamed LTTE, this village is famous for the very militant struggles of the women. This poverty stricken village was notorious for the excessive alcohol consumption, and the merciless beating of women by the men folk. Once the Party entered the village the women rallied, organised and even physically beat men notorious for drinking and creating a nuisance. They even smashed the liquor barrels and the bhattis. Since then, some order has been brought to the village. Uma was very attracted by the JNM songs while studying and staying in a hostel, where she has studied up to the 7th. While joining, her parents gave her full support, with her father telling her that she should work well for the Party, and should never surrender and come back. The entire village supports the Party.

The two sisters, Shanta and Razia, come from a very poor dalit family in the Eturnagaram region. Their parents died when they were at a very young age. Their 3 sisters and a brother were all married. These two youngest sisters lived with the brother, whose wife treated them horribly, trying to drive them out of the house. It was 1994; Razia was just 13, Shanta 16. Every night the two young sisters would cry and go to sleep half hungry. When things got very bad they decided to live separately, earning a small amount through labour. If their brother came to help, his wife would go mad with rage. In this village was a good support base of the Party, and com Shobha, who had just joined was in touch with Shanta and had asked her to also join. Though interested she could not leave her younger sister alone. Finally Shanta joined in 1995 and Razia went to stay with one of the sisters, to look after their child. Though she stayed there for some time, it became intolerable as the husband was a drunkard and treated her badly. When she went back to her brother’s place, his wife continued with her past behaviour. So, she once again began staying on her own, earning money through labour and gathering tendu leaves in the season. Finally, she too was recruited in 1998. The police harass the brother.

The two sisters, both of whom look like small children, emanate warmth and affection for their comrades. While Shanta is quiet and reserved, Razia is the opposite, full of life and extroverted. But both are highly disciplined, and picked up literacy within a year of joining the squad. Shanta has even written a book on their life. She became an LGS deputy commander in 2000; Razia, only recently, since the last two months. When asked as to why she joined, Razia frankly said, "In the beginning I never thought of the aims of the Party, I joined it because of my own problems. Only later I learnt of its aims and methods of organization. I am still learning". She said that though there was a special political camp for women comrades of Khammam district in 2000, she could not attend, as she was not then a party member. At that camp about 30 women comrades participated.

Gita comes from a middle-rich family in a village close to Parkal town, of Warangal district. It was the mid 1990s. She had heard of the PW but never seen them. One day she went to deliver toddy at a house and the PW comrades were there. Com. Butchanna spoke to her, and she was quite interested and keen on joining them. Some relatives were close to the Party, and Butchanna asked her to come along with them the next time that they came. She did, secretly; telling her parents that she was going to her mama’s house. But when she did not return after two days, they went searching for her. When she finally returned after 5 days, they learnt the truth. Her marriage that had been already fixed, was now speeded up. Butchanna said she was too young to join, and should work for some time in the village. But, with marriage being forced on her, one day she secretly left her house and joined the dalam. She was first a member of two dalams in Warangal district, and then with the platoon for a year. She then fell ill and while going for treatment, due to an information leak, was arrested. The comrade accompanying her was badly beaten, while she was beaten a bit and then sent to jail. After some time her parents came and released her on bail. They kept her under continuous watch and offered her all sorts of gold and silver to get married. They did not know that she had already got married to com. Tata (commander of the Medaram dalam). After a year at home she once again joined the dalam. Gita, a very serious and hardworking comrade, was always to be seen studying, when not taking on the arduous tasks of squad life.

Naziabi, in her mid thirties, with two children, is an exemplary comrade. Having been in touch with the Party for the last two decades, she continues an underground life under the most trying conditions. Always showing concern for other comrades and taking care of the sick, her dedication has not wavered even in the face of the worst repression. With hundreds of her comrades-in-arms martyred and large numbers surrendered, she continues steadfastly on the path of people’s war. Her elder son had barely been with the dalam for some six months, when he was arrested after going to her brother’s place during an illness. Both have now been in jail for about five months and the police are forcing the son to give regular statements saying, he refuses to come out of jail until his mother surrenders. In fact, this mild unassuming mother is a seriously wanted revolutionary on the police list.

Even before she married in 1982/83, she was in touch with the Party. Many of her relatives were with the Party. Her husband turned out to be a drunkard, who often beat her. For this reason even after marriage she spent much of her time at her mother’s place. After the second son was born she totally separated from him. As the police have been hounding her from her mother’s place and also from those of relatives, she came and settled at a relative’s house in a village in Eturnagaram in 1995. She was in that village for many years and had built not only a strong women’s movement, but also a village Party cell. In the year 2000, she and the entire Party unit in the village got exposed due to the surrender of a comrade. The other members capitulated to the police while she went underground. But she continued in the village building the organization, without staying at her home. The police regularly came for her, but she skillfully avoided them. But, in Oct.2000, they came and smashed everything in the house and mixed kerosene in all the rice. After that she has had to leave the village and go fully underground. Though the police have launched a massive hunt for her, she continues steadfastly with the Party.

These, were just some of the stories recounted by the women comrades that have joined the PW in NT. There were also the stories of Swarana, Rajita and Indra, who were martyred in the Tupakullaguddam encounter, and of many others. They comprise the cream of the women of our society who were unprepared to live the drab, restricted lives in the semi-feudal environment of the patriarchal family. They sought to make their lives meaningful and to breathe the fresh air of freedom gained in the communist environment within the Party. Unlike the petti-bourgeois feminists who, while seeking to break free from the confines of patriarchy, get caught in the web of their individualistic, personalized ‘freedom’, these women comrades of the PW see their own emancipation inextricably linked with that of, not only all women-kind, but of oppressed society as a whole. They face death fearlessly, and even while living under conditions of extreme danger, as life today is in NT, they are for ever lively, joking and happy, while simultaneously taking their responsibilities very seriously. As a rule they face severe health problems, far beyond those of their male counterparts. During this entire visit I met only a few women comrades who did not have some heath problem or the other. Though this did tend to act as a dampener to their spirits, it rarely effected their preparedness for the hardships of squad life. Often it was through others that I found out that a comrade had a health problem.

That the New Democratic Revolution acts as the motive force for the liberation of women could easily be seen amongst the squads and platoons of the PW in NT. It is not that there is no patriarchy or no discrimination against women. Habits, built over centuries, die hard; besides, a continuous stream of new recruits bring with them their values from the old society which also adds to the bourgeois/feudal pollution in the Party. Bureaucratic tendencies also invariably get reflected in patriarchal attitudes. This, in fact, was mentioned by most of the women comrades, who said attitudes were much worse earlier, and are now much improved. One deputy commander, who gained literacy only within the Party, said that she can notice this among some new recruits, particularly from those who have got education. The Party is not pure, and the muck of society outside find their expression within the Party. But relatively, thing are far better; in addition, there is continuous education against patriarchal values, and women comrades have the confidence that any blatant examples of discrimination will be opposed by the leadership of the Party, and even action taken if it is serious.

So, women’s emancipation is a continuous struggle, which is part and parcel of the struggle against this socio-economic order — an integral part of the ongoing people’s war. This struggle will not end with the seizure of political power; it will continue, but in another form: through continuous cultural revolutions until socialism and then communism are firmly established not only in society outside but in the value systems within us.

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