Volume 3, No. 2, February 2002

The Hindutva fanatics have gone on a maniacal offensive since the last few months. They have launched a systematic attack, orchestrated by the very top echelon of the BJP in the Central ministry. It has been a two-pronged strategy — first, a countrywide hysteria through Ayodhya-type campaigns; second, attacks by the Sangh Parivar storm troopers at the local level on Muslims, Christians and Dalits. On this occasion the BJP ministers played an active role, with the Prime Minister himself playing a particularly dubious role. A part of this campaign is the arbitrary steps taken to change the history textbooks, with aggressive posturing, by not only the HRD ‘pundit’, but also the PM. In fact, in the present campaign, Vajpayee dropped his Chanakya-style ‘mukhota’ (mask), and came out nakedly in his true colours.

Though one aspect of this offensive is linked to the forth-coming elections in the UP, where the BJP’s position is particularly shaky; it is also linked to the increasingly fascist measures being taken within the country, and to the war-mongering of the expansionist Indian rulers. State-sponsored Hindu chauvinism is a suitable ideological vehicle in which to transport fascist garbage and anti-Pak war hysteria. Till a month back the threats were directed chiefly at Pakistan; now Bangladesh and Nepal have been added to the list.

Increased border clashes and aggressive posturing against Bangladesh, under the pretext of attacks on Hindus, has been added to the hot-pursuit rhetoric of the Indian expansionists against Pakistan. Brazen attacks on Pakistani bunkers on the other side of the Line of Control (LoC) and open threats to ‘take back’ PoK (Pak. Occupied Kashmir), are part of the Indian ruler’s increasingly hegemonic role in South Asia. And now with the latest revolt by the oppressed of Nepal, led by the Maoist, India is threatening intervention, in the name of it being a threat to India’s existence. Reports have been filtering in that, not only has India sent vast quantities of arms to help the Nepal government to kill ordinary Nepalese civilians, not only have they been training Nepalese military and para-military forces, but have also secretly sent their forces across the Nepalese border.

And together with this stepped up communalism and war mongering has come the POTO, anti-trade union legislation, and a host of other autocratic measures. All these three are an inter-related package linked to the imperialist sponsored economic reforms. The deeper the economic reforms, the greater are the impoverisation of the masses, resulting in growing peoples’ movements. Communalism and war acts to divert their attention from their acute suffering; fascist measures acts to brutally crush their mass resistance and revolts. War also helps achieve the dreams of the Indian big comprador bourgeoisie of South Asian hegemony and greater control over markets of neighbouring countries.

It is in this overall environment, specifically in the wake of the Sept.11 attacks, that one must view the rise in activity of the Hindu communalists.

At the Maha Kumbh itself, on Jan.20, the saffron brigade announced Mahashivratri as the day after which they will start building the temple. Not very coincidentally, it is around the same time that the UP elections are being held. On October 10 the Prime Ministers met the VHP leaders and assured them that the ‘Ayodhya dispute’ would be settled by the time of their deadline. On Oct13 BJYM (Bhatatiya Janta Youth Morcha) vandalized the Taj Mahal, while their all-India convention was in session at Agra. This was addressed by most of the top leaders of the BJP, who incited the youth with highly inflammatory speeches. On Oct.15 the Indian army’s aggressive action across the LoC, utilsing heavy weapons like grenade launchers and mortars, destroying 22 Pakistani bunkers and killing 30. During these operations, George Fernandes thundered, "when it comes to punishing the enemy, we will not hold back anything. We will be ruthless".

On Oct.17, 250 hoodlums, including VHP’s top leaders, stormed the site of the Babri Masjid, breaking court orders. 13 battalions of police personnel stationed there (costing Rs.2 crores each year), looked the other way as the hoodlums spent one hour in the sanctum sanctorum of the makeshift temple. Not only were they not arrested, the UP government denied that they had broken any law, and Advani said that they had to investigate whether any law had been broken. To add fuel to the fire, Vajpayee set up the Ayodhya cell in the Prime Minister’s Office to "monitor the negotiations on the issue". The PM once again portrayed the Ramjanmabhoomi campaign as an expression of national sentiment and endorsed the "temple at the disputed site". Advani hailed it as a symbol of cultural nationalism.

To try and poison the atmosphere within the country the VHP has begun the "temple construction programme" throughout the country to culminate on March 11, 2002. It has already completed, on Oct.16, the first phase of the ‘jalabhishek’ programme, held in 92,000 temples around the country. From Nov.1 it has started the ‘sidhkhestras’, to be held in all the 7,500 blocks of the country. Thereafter the VHP will begin its 65-day programme of collective ‘sankalp’ for temple construction. From Jan.22 to 27, 2002, there is to be ‘chetavni yatra’ involving 5,000 sants. This is to be followed by a mammoth meeting of Kar Sevaks at Ayodhya on Feb. 17. This coincides with Basant Panchami and the assembly elections.

It is clearly a systematic campaign to try and whip up a Hindu chauvinistic atmosphere that has been on the wane. While the 1992 demolition led to the killing of over 2,000 Muslims, it is to be seen what this one leads to. To counter this campaign there is need for a vigorous movement for the re-building of the Babri Masjid, which was illegally destroyed by the fascist brigade, in collusion with the then PVN Congress(I) government. The Supreme Court order is also outright biased, for accepting the status quo, only after the building of the makeshift temple, and not taking action against the illegal demolition of a public property. The correct date of the status quo should have been Dec. 5th. To appease Hindutva sentiments by not demanding the re-building of the Masjid, has only encouraged the Hindu fascists, whose arrogance swells with the knowledge that they can get away with all acts of vandalism and terror. Public opinion must put them on the defensive, not those asking for the re-building of the Masjid.

Reports have, once again, been coming in daily on the rape of nuns, attacks on Churches and missionary schools, and forcible conversions to Hinduism. For example, in the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh, four missionaries were seriously injured when they were attacked by fascist hoodlums. In Gujarat they have again begun a clandestine survey of Christians, their assets, funds, and their sources. The police say that the survey was undertaken to provide security to the community. Christians fear that the list will be handed over to the Hindu fundamentalists.

Besides, the Union Cabinet’s proposal to replace the Foreign Contributions Regulation Act (FCRA) with something more stringent, is also targeted at Christian missionaries in the name of opposing conversions. Through this Bill, the government intends to single out missionaries and madrassas, while turning a blind eye to the crores from abroad that fill the coffers of the VHP and the proliferation of such dubious bodies as the Chinmaya Mission, Hare Rama Hare Krishna movement, etc.

Of late, there has been a huge increase in the attacks and killings of dalits throughout the country. This has been particularly savage in UP and Tamilnadu, where there have been massacres, with no action being taken against the perpetrators of these crimes. Invariably the police, administration and political parties gang up against the dalits.

Hindu chauvinism is not only anti-minorities, but also strongly asserts caste superiority and brahminical-style untouchability. This was to be crudely seen at the planned dalit rally at Delhi, where thousands were to convert to Buddhism. Though permission had been given for the mammoth rally at Ramlila grounds, a week before the function, the government banned the rally. The rally, on Nov.4, called by the All-India Confederation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, was to mobilize dalits from all over India, for conversion to Buddhism. It was the VHP that vehemently called for the ban, saying that it was linked to Christian organizations. After the VHP opposition the entire administration moved in to crush the rally. The Minorities Commission wrote to the Home Ministry that the event could be a serious provocation, and disturb the law and order. The DCP, Delhi, said that under no circumstances would the Dalit rally be allowed.

But, the dalits were determined to hold the rally. The police swooped down viciously to crush it. Massive police pickets were posted at all entry points to Delhi, and those coming to attend were forcibly turned back. At the station and bus stands the police put up banners to say that the rally was cancelled. The Chairman of the Confederation, Udit Raj, said that the government used "tyrannical methods to crush the dalit’s mass conversion to Buddhism".

Here, it was not just the VHP, but also the entire state machinery that was used to prevent conversion to Buddhism. The right to choose any religion, or be an atheist, is a democratic right of all citizens. Till recently, the VHP opposed conversion to Christianity, now it is even against conversion to Buddhism — which they, in fact, consider to be a part of Hinduism. Such has become the level of intolerance of the Sangh Parivar and the state machinery associated with it. Though conversion of one’s religion will not bring about any significant change in one’s life, every individual has a right to convert to any religion, whether it is Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, or any other religion.

Dalits have been treated for centuries as outcastes. They have a right to revolt. Where the revolutionary movement is strong, like in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, they see revolution as the only means of achieving justice. Where there is no revolutionary alternative, dalits seek to assert their dignity and self-respect by leaving the religion that has reduced their status to that worse than an animal. The Brahminical order worships and feeds cows, monkeys, snakes, etc., but is unable to tolerate even the shadow of a dalit or even give water to them. Ironically one of the chief so-called dalit leaders, Mayawati, joined the saffron gang to oppose this rally and the conversion. Such ‘friends’ are often more dangerous than the open enemy.

But, in spite of the ban, despite the near total blackout of the event by the mainstream media, thousands gathered at Delhi, and the conversion ceremony was undertaken at another venue. In fact, it was only when the controversy arose did the media begin to cover the event, more from the VHP angle. At the function, a call was given for Dalits to undergo the conversion in their own areas, wherever they are. The more people’s rights are suppressed, the more people will revolt.

Masterminded by Union HRD Minister, the NCERT has passed a surreptitious order seeking major deletions from textbooks authored by historians like Romilla Thapar. The historians were not consulted, nor were state education ministers. An example of the deletion is the one in the Class VI book, which merely presents the fact that beef was served to guests in the Rig Vedic age. Not only the HRD ministry, but also the Prime Minister himself has defended the deletions. In fact they have take an aggressive campaign defending these changes. He stated, "One-sided history should be changed".

Using curriculum revision as a ruse, the government is packing school history texts with mythology and anti-Muslim references. The history book writing process is shrouded in mystery, with no one knowing the names of the ‘historians’ entrusted with that task.

The main message at the traditional Vijaydashmi RSS meeting was a call to arms. RSS chief, Sudarshan, said, "do not rely on the police, but arm yourself". He called on Sangh members to remove fear from the minds and to arouse the society around them. "The first step towards this is to get personal arms and keep them ready at home, to deal with any situation". At the Nagpur rally Sudarshan also demanded that India go in for nuclear strike capabilities "to actively counter the threat from China".

A similar call was given by Bal Thackeray of the Shiv Sena, when he asked all Hindus to arm themselves to the teeth and turn their homes into a stockpile of ammunition to face the threat of global terrorism.

In fact, training in arms has started long back, in open camps. In June the Bajrang Dal organised a 10-day training camp with 100 cadres in the use of firearms to "defend the motherland both from internal and external dangers". They claim that this camp was part of the Dal’s plan to prepare some 10 lakh volunteers from UP and 30 lakh volunteers from all over the country.

For the oppressed masses of the country, not only have they to face the terror of the State, but they will also be facing the onslaught of these storm troopers. With the fascists preparing themselves in this fashion, the liberals that oppose the use of violence to counter them, lives in a utopia, thinking that mere good intentions can wish away the problem. Already peaceful forms of agitation are becoming totally ineffective, with the government resorting to violence at the slightest pretext. Can such forces, armed to the teeth, be countered peacefully? Besides, the communalists have specifically been targeting the minorities with open support from the police, administration and even judiciary. Thousands have already been killed. They cannot rely for their protection on any of these elements or any of the parliamentary parties. The minorities must defend themselves, not only by uniting with all democratic and revolutionary forces, but also by organizing their own self-defence mechanism.

The violence of the fascists and communalists can be fought not by policies of appeasement, but by isolating and smashing them forcefully.

For all their ‘anti-communal’ agenda, at the ground level, the Congress (I), have often either joined forces with the Hindutva brigade and has either tacitly or openly sided with the anti-Muslim pogroms. Recent example is telling.

In Maharashtra, in the Malegao riots, not only did many Congress elements openly side with the saffron crowd, but also the police themselves were involved in anti-Muslim carnage. The State Reserve Police (SRP) has a notorious record of anti-Muslim actions. The bulk of those killed and arrested were Muslims. With Bhujbal of the NCP, and an ex-Shiv Sainik as home minister, and Deshmukh, who once sought admission to the Shiv Sena as Chief Minister, the secular credentials of the Congress there are highly questionable. As the AIMMM, a Muslim body, commented, "this was more a case of state terrorism and less a communal conflict".

In Kerala the Congress (I) government succumbed to a campaign by the RSS and dissolved the Kerala Council for Historical Research, of which the renowned historian K.N.Panikkar was chairman. The BJP chairman of the ICHR, M.G.S.Narayanan hailed the decision in Kerala.

But the worst incidents of collaboration with communal elements in recent days have been in Rajasthan, which has resulted in a spurt in such activities. As a part of its Ayodhya campaign the VHP Bajrang Dal combine have been conducting Trishul Dikshas in all big villages and Jalabhishek in the smaller villages. Two months earlier, on July 27, they had demolished a 16th Century mosque. Besides this, two mazaars, or burial grounds, were desecrated in Jahazpur town, 90kms from Bhilwara. Another mazaar in nearby Pander, was defiled on Aug.12. In each of these cases the Congress administration took no action against the culprits, and in fact asked the Muslims themselves to rebuild the damaged structures. Not only that, in Jahazpur, the nominated Congress (I) councilor, Khatik, floated an organization called the Hindu Manch and fully participated in all the VHP activities. In addition, the ‘peace committees’ set up by the administration, contained the influential members of the BJP, Bajrang Dal and the Shiv Sena.

A similar Hindutva approach is to be seen by the Chief Minister and other congress leaders of MP and also by many a top leader from UP and the other northern states.

It is such a policy of appeasement, if not direct collaboration, that fuels the Hindutva wave. And when the CPI/CPI (M) treat the Congress (I) and the openly communal AIADMK as part of the secular front against the BJP, their own anti-communal credentials become suspect — it appears more as opportunist parliamentary politicking.

It must be realized that Hindu communalism, war mongering and the new draconian legislations, are all a part of the growing fascist wave in the country. This primarily serves the interests of the ruling alliance of the big comprador bourgeoisie, imperialism and feudalism. The more the country embarks on the path of ‘economic reforms’ the more will be the impoverisation of the masses, and greater the need for fascism to maintain the existing order.

The present economic crisis in the country, and the growing worldwide recession, is only adding to the woes of the vast masses of the country. Galloping unemployment, agrarian collapse, closures of roughly six lakh small-scale industries during the 1990s (rendering roughly 2 crore people unemployed), have hit not only the poor but also the middle classes. With the revolutionary forces in the country still weak, people tend to get swayed by various views floated by the reactionaries. The Hindutva fascist views particularly affect the middle-classes; but for want of an alternative, it has also affected other sections. Particularly when it has been dressed up to appear like ‘nationalism’ ‘patriotism’, etc., it has been more effective in influencing people. And as a backlash to this Hindutva offensive, the minorities and dalits tend to seek salvation in the assertion of their own religious and ethnic identity. Again, this is primarily due to the weakness of the revolutionary forces, which alone can provide a real alternative to the fascists.

Today, there is an urgent necessity to counter the propaganda of the reactionaries by exposing fake nationalism with a powerful anti-imperialist movement; countering fascism with revolution; replacing rabid communalism and fundamentalism with democratic values and scientific thinking; and arming the people to counter the armed might of the State and their terror gangs. In this fight the democratic and revolutionary forces must stand on the side of the minorities and dalits against the Hindu fascists, and must patiently seek to win them over to revolutionary politics. The Hindu fascists too should be isolated by winning over the mass of Hindus from the oppressed classes, and weaning them away from the false politics of the ruling classes. The top leaders of the fascist gangs must be taught a lesson. And the vast masses of the people should be made to see that the ongoing people’s war is the only alternative to the ills of this country.

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