When the great poet Firdausi composed the
lines "If there is a heaven on earth it is here, it is here, it is here,"
he would not have imagined that a day will come when Kashmir will be referred to
as a Valley of Death. Kashmir has been engraved in our minds as a
bleeding valley today.
Today 12 killed here, yesterday 19 killed there,
and a day before 25 killed somewhere else. This has been the routine for years.
Stinking flesh smells of the gunpowder. Chinars are laden with torn up
pieces of human flesh and not leaves. Slit abdomens of young men lie scattered
close to beautiful water springs. Indian and Pakistani blood trickles down from
the naked snowy peaks and summits. All around, the wails of women rant the air.
The valley is raped and ransacked. Wood houses burn like dried up forests
throwing up flames into the sky. Ice-cold iron bolts and triggers bop in the
dance of death. It is hell on all sides in Kashmir today. A hell with the sight
of a death-chamber that make you shudder. A scream comes out of you suddenly and
says: If there is a heaven
here, where is it, where is it, where is it?
Conspiracio la Firangees Plunge the Region Into War
The firangees drew a line on the body of the
sub-continent and partitioned it into two parts in 1947. The new rulers went all
out to grab and pillage. States were usurped either through bribe or through
force. On this side, Nehru ordered his armies to roll over the State of Nizam
Hyderabad and decided to crush the revolutionary peasant revolt of Telangana
region.
On the other side of the border, the Pakistani
armies took up the task of capturing Kashmir in the name of religion and to
crush the democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference. Lest
Pakistan should overrun Kashmir, the king Hari Singh made a plea before Nehru.
Nehru demanded a pound of flesh from the Maharaja in a way a Bania takes
in mortgage the land and all the household things from a peasant before giving
him a loan. He took Kashmir in the form of mortgage from Hari Singh and sent his
armies.
Though the Pakistani rangers were stopped in their
tracks yet Nehru neither called back his armies nor returned the mortgaged land.
UNO asked both the countries to pull back their forces so that it be known
through plebiscite whether Kashmiris want to be Pakistanis or remain as Indians.
Pakistan and India both put their initials on the resolution. But neither India
honoured the agreement nor Pakistan respected the accord.
Those who had inherited the legacy of the
firangees honoured their masters by stepping into their shoes and marked up
the land of Kashmir with a line of division. One occupied one part the other
subjugated the other one. One asserted, "Kashmir is mine," the other
declared that Kashmir was his. No one entertained the idea that, may be,
Kashmir would like to live as an independent being. This side incarcerated
Sheikh Abdullah, the other started putting their own men, one after the other,
as Sadr-e-Riyasat-e-Kashmir.
Whose Kashmir?
A storm of religious fervor and chauvinism was
fanned by the politicians in such a way that most of the people forgot that
Kashmir could only belong to the Kashmiris and not to the Indians or the
Pakistanis. The man even whose forefathers had never seen Kashmir nor would he
himself ever, also started saying, "Kashmir is ours." As if Kashmir did
not constitute a people, as if Kashmir were not a land of a people, but only
constituted a piece of territory that had no claimants!
One could understand the attitude of those who only
indulge in extravagance and use everything for their self-indulgence that they
would want to reserve this beautiful land for their profligate instincts.
Because for them Kashmir is not an alive sensuous being but merely an enchanting
hill for fulfilling gratifying desires, a land to be grabbed with might and
deceit. But the common person! Why he/she thinks in the same vein?
The rulers on this side are happy that they have
deceived a billion people and made idiots out of them. The ones on the other
side are cheering that they have been able to distract ten crore people through
religious fanaticism. The Kashmiris are baffled that why there is not a single
person in the crowd of billions and crores who is able to make out that,
primarily, Kashmir belongs to its own people. Whether they chose to merge with
one or remain independent, it is THEIR right.
As a peasant wants to be the owner of the land he
tills, in the same way the Kashmiris too want to be the masters of their own
soil. Those who come to shed blood of one another in the snowy hills of Kashmir
too are sons of the soil in their own lands. Why don’t they understand the worth
of land and its profound relationship with the human beings? Why do they come
here to be turned into sewing machines for their mothers and widowed wives?
The rich and the political elite never come here to
die. They never feel the fire of explosives; never smell the offensive stench of
the burning flesh. Their refined and debauched bodies never experience
deprivation. They remain secure on both sides of the 1947 line. Those who die
there never go for pleasure, and those who go for pleasure never come to die.
In a way, the thing is so simple to understand but
for a curtain that prevents a billion people from seeing the reality. Otherwise,
they should have understood it when vast crowds of young men were beaten black
and blue and even fired upon by the security forces at Bharatpur, Nagpur, and
Bihar during the "limited war" in Kargil. The poor souls,
fired with "nationalism" and suffering from chronic unemployment had gone there
to enlist themselves in the army to serve the country! Dozens of them were
served with death warrants even before they were able to reach the border to
face the "enemy" bullets.
One could have understood at that time even that
those who rule over the country have nothing to do with something called
patriotism.
Whither Intellectuals?
Perhaps there is a thick wall and not a thin
curtain that prevents the reality from reaching the people! Or there is
something eerie that cuts down all the limbs of reality, mutilates it in
accordance with the wishes of the rulers, and then offers the stuff to the
people to take it for genuine and authentic. When reality does not appear in its
naked form, it gets adulterated like brass enameled as gold. It loses its real
essence. This enameling has been skillfully done on both sides of the border by
the intelligentsia and pen pushers. They have beatified the manoeuverings of the
rulers in a thousand ways and have painted such an abstract picture of reality
that the truth has become unrecognizable. It is this artistry of the writing
community that has eclipsed the beauty of Kashmir.
On our side, we hear only that as Pakistan did not
pull back its forces to fulfill the precondition for a plebiscite then, so it is
of no use now, it has become redundant. Not body ever says that our own
government too had turned dishonest and it too did not honour its own commitment
and refused to vacate the land. Here everybody would write the Pakistan occupied
Kashmir as "Maqbooza Kashmir" or PoK, but no one ever says that our "own"
Kashmir is also Indian Occupied Kashmir, that is, IoK. On the other side, the
Pakistani papers would term "their" Kashmir as "Azad Kashmir" and the
Indian forces in Kashmir as "Occupation Forces." On whose side is the
truth? Either the writers on this side are right or, on the other?
If Nehru declared that from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari
"India is one," nobody questioned him that how he could say that. How
dare he hitch Kanya Kumari with Kashmir without asking the Kashmiri people? No
one raised a voice here. Neither in the Parliament, nor on the outside. Here the
pens didn’t write that the Indian rulers were in the wrong. They only accused
Pakistan of perfidy. The Pakistani papers and intellectuals always characterized
the Indian attitude as high-handedness, as Indian aggressiveness. But no
intellectuals from the other side described their own ruler’s high-handedness as
aggression and their position as a lie, a fraud.
The task of an intellectual is to know the truth
and become its messenger and propagator. But one wonders what has happened to
the possessors and carriers of truth! Nobody says here, "Oh Indians! Get to know
the reality and beware of your leaders’ treachery, they are deceiving you!" Nor
from the other side a voice says, "Oh Pakistanis! Wake up! The truth lies
somewhere else and not in the statements of our leaders."
If whatever Ganga Ram says is right for the people
of India and everything on the other side of the Ravi is deception and
dishonesty, and if for the people of Pakistan whatever is said on this side is
erroneous and immoral while everything on their side is sacred and correct,
then, we must admit, that about one billion and twenty-five crore people of the
sub-continent have been carried away by the demon who makes the rulers chuckle.
The question arises: Can intellectuals on both
sides be right? Or can they be considered right in their own earnest? Either one
of the two sides is right or both of them are in the wrong. Both cannot be right
and the truth must be lying somewhere else.
To blindly follow and repeat the rulers is no
patriotism, nor one should refuse to accept the truth in the name of Namak
Halali. The nationalism that refuses to recognize the freedom of other
nations is national chauvinism, a blind attitude that has nothing in common
either with nationalism or patriotism.
The
Nationalities Cry For Freedom
The Baluchis, Pakhtoonis, Sindhi, Kashmiri,
Nagas, Mizos and many other peoples feel that they are kept in national
bondage and have to live as slaves in both of these "free" countries. If
both the countries are free then the peoples living in these countries must also
be feeling free. The Kashmiris on both sides of the LoC must be considered free.
Then why the trouble? North Eastern states too must
feel free. Then why the nuisance? Why one after the other people rises up to
demand freedom? Why all this "foolishness?" But this "foolishness"
continues in spite of all the terror and oppression, all the "democratic
exercises," and all the accords and agreements.
The plight of the Kashmiris is worse. There,
Amanullah Khan faces the canes and jailing; here, the terror and oppression has
crossed all limits. In both lands the people say, "Oh God, be merciful!"
Sarhadi Gandhi Abdul Gufar Khan remained in the
Pakistani jails most of his life but he was honoured
and admired as a national hero in India.
The "Indian" Kashmiri Mujahids who live in Pakistan
are considered brave warriors but those who live in the Pakistan occupied
Kashmir and want to break free from the shackles of Pakistan are considered
"anti-national" there. One is forced to think: may be, the atmosphere on
both the sides is oppressive and one is struggling to break free of the chains.
Who would tell more than a billion people that why
for the British rulers the Indian freedom fighters were detestable extremists
and renegades (Gadari) worthy of jails, bullets and guillotines; why for our own
rulers the Kashmiris and north eastern guerrillas are extremists and terrorists
and for the Pakistani rulers the likes of Gufaar Khan and the Kashmiris who want
to establish an independent country are "traitors" and "anti-national" elements
only? Why the freedom-lovers face the same attitude everywhere? Why the freedom
loving people are raped and burned and killed everywhere?
The rape that has been enacted on the human-freedom
on both sides of the border neither falls under the purview of Taziraat-e-Hind
nor Taziraat-e-Pakistan. The rapist is beyond the reach of every law. To
catch him an entirely new penal code is needed—and that is: Taziraat-e-Awam,
a people’s penal code. But, who will write this new penal code?
The glitter that floods the corridors of power in
Islamabad and Delhi blurs even a perfect eye. Everything looks upside-down
there, or the beholder prefers to overturn oneself to fit into the image. The
pen that writes in these flashing lights turns black or caves in. Perhaps, the
following example will be enough.
Two years ago, Clinton stated, "Kashmir is not
East Timor." One after the other columnist in Delhi jumped to the sky and
declared that the king of the world too was on the side of India and was not in
favour of giving the Kashmiri people right to self-determination. They turned
themselves hoarse by singing the praise of Indian democracy and the imperialist
chieftain Clinton.
A country where the ministers never suffer from
indigestion even after gobbling down fodder, chemicals, guns, and all the other
sundry stuff, and where they have never been put on the operation table to
recover these things from their bloated bellies, the clamour about democracy
makes you sick and nauseate. Such a democracy really helps every crook and every
villain. In such a democracy, all the rights get absolutised on the one side
while nothing remains on the other.
However, the Pakistani columnists felt that the
Clinton’s statement was like another scandal of his. They believed he had
committed a rape against Pakistan. While writing about the right to
self-determination of Kashmiris, they never once made the point that
Pakhtoons, Baluchis and Sindhis too must have this right.
Is
Democracy A Piece of Paper?
The defenders of "Great Indian Democracy" worked
extra hours a day to prove that the right to vote also encompasses every kind of
plebiscite, the will of the people, as if the vote paper were a signed blank
paper where any statement could be written. Yes, for the Indian democratic
system, the vote is really like the one the police usually extract from the
criminals and write on it arbitrarily. [May be, that is why our security forces
have made it a habit to check the fingers of every Kashmiri, to ascertain
whether they have cast their vote (read: signed the paper) or not, to prove
(read: confess) themselves as Indians, in every "democratic exercise."]
One of the famed columnists even argued that
wherever there is the right to vote, no right should be given to any nationality
to opt for self-determination and secession. A professor of political science of
the Delhi University averred that, as the Indian system is a democratic system,
therefore, as long as there is the right to vote, no nationality should talk of
secession because, in India, the people themselves chose who should rule over
them. Such kind of intellectuals, as they are driven by chauvinism in their
thinking, forget that the only thing that guarantees the equality of nations and
a safeguard from national oppression, is the right to self-determination that
they can opt whenever they feel oppressed and cornered by powerful nations.
Only this right can prevent the powerful nations
from treading on the path of oppressing the weak and smaller nations. There can
be no other guarantee. And, the right to
vote is of little help in this respect.
What the ballot does in our sort of democracy? It
only ensures the coming to power of Desais, Advanis, Laloos, Kalyans, and Modis
and then sees its "worth" in the kabari market as a waste. Were it more
valuable and had the power to protect the rights of the people no body would
ever take up the gun to defend themselves. Nobody would feel oppressed and seek
liberation. There would be no need of sending six lakh guns to control sixty
lakh Kashmiris.
Clinton’s statement in no way did change the
reality in Kashmir. If the US has changed its position today then there are
other reasons to it. The US seeks to further its own interests and not of the
Indians or Pakistanis or of the Kashmiris in any way. Neither the Pakistani
intellectuals should have admired the US before Clinton did not do a somersault
on Kashmir nor the Indian intellectuals should think of the US sponsorship as
something positive for their "national interests."
The US sees the world from its own viewpoint and
interests, and thinks of the people of all lands as insects and worthless. It
was the US president Ford who gave the green signal to Suharto to carry out the
massacres of the East Timorese. Moreover, if today the US poses as a friend of
the Timorese it has to be looked in the drivel that falls from its mouth for the
East Timori oil. To understand the US character it is sufficient to know of its
role in Vietnam, Palestine, Iraq and Yugoslavia.
If the rulers in Delhi enjoy raving about
Washington then the writers must think about these leaders. The Octopus of
criminalized politics that has gripped the whole country has its main body
positioned in Delhi. This monster is not only wrenching up J&K and the Northeast
in its tentacles but also crores of unfortunate Muslims, Christians, Sikhs,
Dalits and ordinary people throughout India.
The "great democracy" of this terrible
monster helps no one but the gangsters in Delhi and the likes of Clintons,
Bushes and Blairs. If Clintons and Bushes praise this "democracy" then one must
conclude that the danger has only multiplied. The pens that sung the praises of
Clinton then were not only against the people of Kashmir but also working
against the interests of one billion people in India.
But the pens that have not gone astray, that have
not turned upside down, that have not started seeing through the blinding lights
of the corridors of power, where are
they? Why their ink has dried up? Why their voice is so low? Why their reach is
so narrow?
The
State Kills With Impunity
In Chittisinghpura, 35 Sikhs were massacred in
March 2000. The first reaction of the Sikhs was: Give us guns, we shall teach
the Kashmiri terrorists a lesson. Anti-Pakistan feelings reached all high. The
rulers in Delhi became overjoyed. They called on the Kashmiri Sikhs to translate
their feelings into action by avenging the killings through joining or
collaborating with the Indian army. Within three days, the security forces
killed five "terrorists" and declared that the "mercenary" killers
of Chittisingh-pura have been executed. Everybody thought that the massacre in
Chittisinghpura was really a handiwork of the "cross-border gun-wielders."
However, within a few days the people of the area
found that the Indian army had abducted five people in a single night from
various villages and had killed them in cold blood claiming them to be
terrorists. All the five were neither "mercenaries" nor they were from
"across the border," nor they were "foreigner gun-wielders." One of
them was a cloth merchant, another was a daily wage labourer, and still another
was a peasant. All the five had healthy bodies and it was easy to prove them
guerrillas.
The people waged a tough struggle to force the
authorities to dig out their bodies. Farooq Abdullah had to accept the people’s
demand that a DNA test be conducted on them to ascertain their identity. The
people identified the bodies from various items lying on their persons. It is
very likely that the government DNA report will never come through as it is
already more than two years now.
All the dead men were local Kashmiris and used to
go to work daily to feed their families. The government stopped its propaganda
on the Chittisinghpura with the same swiftness the foreign secretary had shown
in announcing the killing of ‘mercenaries.’ Some of the human rights
organisations pointed their finger at the government sponsored terrorist
organisation "Ikhwan-ul-Musal-meen" as the probable perpetrator of the
Chittisinghpura massacre. All the organisations fighting for the liberation of
Kashmir had condemned that massacre, and charged that the government agencies
were the culprits.
May be, it will be a long time when the real
criminals get exposed but one thing is certain that those who benefit from
pushing different religious communities into fratricidal holocaust can be none
other than the reactionary rulers.
It often happens in Kashmir that when the Indian
security forces come in the garb of Mujahids to kill the ordinary people
the latter can tell from their modus operandi that it is not the act of freedom
fighters. The most notorious example of such secret crimes of the governments is
that of the burning of Reichstag by Hitler’s security forces and then passing
over the blame on to the communists to persecute them and passing death sentence
over their leaders.
Many a journalists and columnists have pointed to
the contradictory aspects present in the Chittisinghpura episode and have
exposed the standpoint of the government. Many people, like Kuldeep Nayar, have
exposed many atrocities perpetrated by the Indian government. But, overall,
there is almost no attempt by the Indian intellectuals, social scientists and
columnists and the mainstream press to highlight the cause of national rights of
the Kashmiri people. In contrast, the Pakistani press has highlighted this
aspect enormously, yet mainly from a Pakistani angle. But we are faced with the
same old question: Which side holds the truth? Which side has auctioned out its
pens? Even Kuldeep Nayar, and many others, stops half way, limiting criticism to
the violation of human rights only.
The point, however, is to take the thing to its
logical end, to take the right and the wrong theses into all the aspects of the
problem, to do away with all the ambiguities and to clear all the haziness, and
to arrive at a correct and just conclusion. — And this will definitely take us
all the way to support the cause of liberation of the Kashmiri people.
Sometimes the Indian papers write that when the
Indian forces get panicky due to a guerrilla attack, they resort to
"indiscriminate firing." Even our own government has conceded that about
2600 ordinary people have died in "cross-firing" from 1989 to 1999.
We can conjecture that the victims of these
"cross-fire killings" are almost the ones who die at the hands of Indian
security forces in "indiscriminate firings." Government statistics (year
1999) concede that there have been 6400 other civil casualties. While the
Pakistani papers abound in reports of Indian atrocities in Kashmir, on our side
generally, the government handouts get into the press. These handouts mostly
contain the "cries" and "attempts" aimed at the "rehabilitation" of
orphaned Kashmiri children and widowed women, or the "money distribution"
programmes for the victims. This is displayed in the newspapers in a rude manner
where the government tries to paint its face for a humanistic look.
We all agree that the people of intellect should be
the messengers of truth. Naturally, questions would arise: Why the
intellectuals, the enlightened brain of the society, stand in so glaring an
opposition and contradiction on both sides of border? Is it that the intellect
too has become a commodity and intellectualism another profession? Why
independent journalism is losing the fight for its own liberation?
The
Pen and The Intellect
The independence of the pen too has become a
mysterious thing like the independence of the country. The burning down of
houses, rapes, disappearances, deaths, and an environment of oppression in
Kashmir is only taken up in the newspapers in an informal way. As hell has no
limits, criminals know no bounds to their criminal mind-set, in the same way,
the "Heaven on Earth" is witnessing a dance of death and destruction and
is burning without an end in sight.
If it is impossible to fathom the agonies of the
families of the killed security forces men, it is equally impossible to make a
graph of the agonies and woes of those Kashmiri women who have faced the
atrocities at the hands of the security forces or of those who have lost their
sons, brothers, husbands and near and dear ones. In a seminar in New Delhi on
"The Human Security in the New Millennium," Asma Jahangir, the famed human
rights activist from Pakistan, said, "Before resorting to firing the security forces should ask itself, ‘whether I am
right in starting a war and to kill and getting killed?’"
Asma knows that the armies are not raised to pose
such questions to their conscience. She says, "the Indians always talk of
cross-border terrorism in Kashmir and the Pakistanis talk of human rights of the
Kashmiris and both forget about the real causes of the prevailing situation."
She wants that the war should stop and the rule of peace be established. She
stresses about the participation of the people in a peace process. Like all
other intellectuals, she too talks in a mysterious way where there is no
demarcation about a just and an unjust war, no mention of the real cause. Nor
she suggests a solution for the Kashmir question.
Same type of voices sometimes echo on our own side
too: Stop war! Establish peace!
Without going into the causes of war and without
laying the concrete political basis for peace, the peace cannot be established
through mere calls for establishing a peace. Both the governments have their own
notions and solutions for a ‘peace’ settlement. The intellectual section of the
society has fast abandoned its attempt to rise above the realm of hazy
argumentation and to take up the task in clearly defined lines. Perhaps, it is
the influence of neo-liberalism that is pushing them into the abyss.
Now, there is a word going on that the LoC should
be declared a sacred line, that it should be turned into an international
border. The US too supported this original Indian proposal, and also, there are
some in Pakistan, now including Musharraf himself, who have started talking
about this. Conversion of the LoC into a permanent border or a bit of "give and
take" cannot settle the problem at all.
A permanent division of Kashmir on communal lines
will only deepen the gash that has been inflicted on it. A bifurcated or
trifurcated Kashmir will remain miles away from peace and stability and will
explode again and again. These explosions will also involve the whole of India
in their wake. Already, we have paid much due to the British conspiracy to
partition the sub-continent on the basis of religion.
Can peace be established without a correct
political solution? Can the intellectuals afford to remain aloof and be content
with being ambiguous, talking only abstract peace, or continue to only repeat
what the rulers say? And all this in the guise of pseudo nationalism?
Can they come out on both sides of the border and
say that Kashmir belongs to the Kashmiris and not to India or Pakistan? This
kind of voice will enlighten the minds of the people of the sub-continent more
clearly than the light of the candles. The attempts to expose Indian atrocities
and Pakistani games need to be taken further, to the real thing that can help
the cause of the people and alleviate their sufferings in an enormous way. Only,
we have to reform our understanding of nationalism and patriotism.
Years ago, Khushwant Singh had written that Kashmir
should be given freedom. However, after that, he never found time to think over
it, as he remains occupied in matters ‘that are more important.’ Moreover, the
Indian mind is not used to hear such kind of speak. The people of Britain too
were incapable of listening to the discourse of independence of the colonies.
They never gave serious attention to the dreadful acts of the British
colonialists throughout the world. The Kashmiri people think that the Indians
too are of the same mould.
A few years ago, there was a seminar in Bombay
questioning the independence of India. Some of the Kashmiri leaders too had
reached there. When they were introduced on the stage the hall gave them a
standing ovation for more than five minutes. The Kashmiri leaders watched this
in utter astonishment. They had never expected such a warm acknowledgment.
Later, they told the audience that they had a very
different opinion about the Indian people. They used to think that there was no
one in this country of a billion people who could understand their situation,
their agonies and their convictions but now they were extremely happy that they
were not alone in their struggle. Indeed, for the Kashmiri leaders this was a
unique experience to be in the company of such a gathering. There had assembled
activists from among miners, tribals, fishermen, representatives of trade unions
and democratic right organisations.
The assembly also included many of the famous from
the upper crusts of the intelligentsia, majority of whom was from the Hindu
background. All these people had questions and doubts about India, that whether
it was a genuinely independent country or not. The Kashmiri leaders felt that
there was some thread that united them with these people.
One man’s terrorist is a freedom fighter for the
other. This cliché is usually heard in the newspapers these days. What does it
indicate? Same person can be defined in two different ways, from two different
angles. Why would the British refer to Bhagat Singh as a freedom fighter?
But, for the Indians, he was. If the British did not refer to him what he really
was, it made no difference. The Indians were right and the British wrong. One
was just, the other unjust. There lay the truth of the whole thing. And the
history proved Bhagat Singh and his comrades right, not the British.
It will make no difference even now, if the Indian
rulers don’t accept the Kashmiri militants as freedom fighters. It won’t turn
the truth upside down; it won’t make the Indian position as one on the side of
justice. Here India replaces the British as the oppressor and in the wrong.
Nothing can change the reality — either the noise around "cross-border
terrorism," or the "democratic process," or the misleading term of "war against
terrorism."
This in no way dilutes the cause of the Kashmiri
people and turns it on the side of untruth. The truth shall prevail in spite of
all the lies and ambiguousness. Guns can be of little help in suppressing the
truth. These only show how unjust the Indian rulers are and how tyrannical they
have become!
When an Indian securityman stops some Kashmiri and
after frisking him asks for his identity, what the Kashmiri thinks of him? This
has been beautifully captured by a writer in these words:
"It is me who has the right to ask about your
identity. How dare you enter my land without my permission?"
Sartre had the acumen to understand the mind of the
Algerians that how they felt about the French. In the preface to Frantz Fanon’s
world famous book, "The wretched of the Earth," he writes:
"You are making us into monstrosities; your
humanism claims we are at one with the rest of humanity but your racist methods
set us apart."
Are we Indians better than the French or the
British colonizers in any way?
Or, we all know of the age-old saying:
Those who do not honour the freedom of others
cannot themselves be free.
Ages have passed. We must catch the delicate sliver
of this belief. Can we? They say that when a desperate person is pushed to the
extremes he picks up the sword and the dead human being within him comes off
alive. He kills two birds with one stone: First, the oppressor; second, the
dead-being in him who is accustomed to tolerate oppression. The first is killed,
the second is resurrected. You cannot stop the resurrected being from snatching
away the victory. The whole of human history is a testimony to it. Kashmir is
also trying to add another chapter in these annals.
The Kashmiriyat and Kashmiris have been persecuted
since the times of Akbar, the Great Mogul. Akbar’s lieutenants used to dishonour
the Kashmiri women. Though Kashmir had turned to Islam in the 8th and 9th
century the Kashmiri women turned to the veil only during the Mogul times just
to conceal themselves from the lustful eyes of the tyrant armymen. They are
being dishonoured since Akbar’s times. Our rulers are continuing that shameful
tradition. We, a billion people, too are a part of this ignominy.
Either we should renounce and
forget about our legacy of Birsa Munda and Shaheed Bhagat Singh or
we must stand by the Kashmiris who are fighting to put a stop to this disgrace.
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