Volume 2, No. 11, November 2001

The BJP is panicky. Defeat in the forthcoming UP elections, can mean destabalisation of its power at Delhi. They are frantic to keep power by any means. Defections, intrigue and manipulations have already begun; crores of rupees are being pumped into the state; muscle power and criminal elements are being let loose; caste divisions are being enflamed; and its main trump card — an anti-Moslem hysteria — is being raised to a high pitch. Besides, the Sangh Parivar is itching for a war, in case power cannot be retained by other means. Their desperation can push them to any extreme. Notwithstanding their Hindutva fanaticism, their popularity is in the dumps. Bloated with arrogance, due to US backing, they can resort to reckless measures in order to continue in power. Rivers of blood may flow — either in communal conflagration or through war — in the run-up to the UP elections. Even the attack in far-away America is being used to whip up an anti Islamic fear psychosis to refurbish their Hindutva vote bank.

High levels of corruption and greed, power mania, anti-people policies, and a total sell-out to imperialism (particularly the US) of even the limited sovereignty of the country, have all resulted in the BJP getting thoroughly discredited. For all their ‘nationalistic’ bravado, their total capitulation before their white bosses in Washington and London is visible to all. Quite naturally, they have been facing defeat after defeat in all recent bye-elections — even in their strongholds of Gujarat and UP. In fact, in the bye-election at Shajahanpur in UP, the BJP came fourth, with its candidate losing its deposit. Opinion polls in UP show the BJP in a pathetic condition.

The first step in the electoral game was the replacement of the lame-duck chief minister with the upper-caste Rajnath Singh. This Chanakya has resorted to all foul methods to consolidate BJP hold over the State. Splitting his own alliance partners, dismissing ministers who are not yes-men, promoting caste violence on dalits, enflaming anti-Moslem passions, etc. are some of his first steps. To give punch to his strong-arm methods he has history-sheeters and criminals — like Bachcha Pathak and H.S. Tiwari — as his right hand to implement policy.

The Communal Card

The election campaign was initiated by the Sangh Parivar announcing the date for building the so-called Ram Mandir. Coincidently the date declared for beginning the construction was March 2002 — the same month in which the elections are due. That the storm troopers of the Parivar are in the front line of such actions is well known. But on this occasion the liberal face of these fascists bared their bloody fangs. The Prime Minister, himself declared at a public meeting at Lucknow, that talks are on with Muslims at "various levels" to reach an agreement on Ayodhya and that some results could be visible by March. In other words Vajpayee openly joined the storm troopers. As the main Moslem organizations linked to the Babri Masjid issue denied such talks, it was clear that some puppets were being promoted to chalk out some fake agreement, and thereby by-pass the legal process, to allow for the kar seva in March. Infact, on Oct.9 Vajpayee once again assured the Hindu Sants that a ‘solution’ will be found by March12. The BJP plans to seize power in UP on a blood bath of thousands of Moslems. It hopes to repeat the 1992 formula.

The problem they face today though, is that this issue is no longer that emotive as it then was. The advantage for them is that no parliamentary party is prepared to defend the genuine rights of the Moslem community by demanding that the illegally demolished Babri Masjid be rebuilt where it existed. All the parties are more pre-occupied in trying to appease the saffron brigade in order to gain upper-caste votes. Principles are sacrificed at the alter of vote bank politics. And this applies to not only the SP, BSP & Congress (I), but also to the revisionist CPI, CPM, & CPI (ML)(Liberation). It is only the CPI (ML)(People’s War) and some other M-L groups who have put forward the consistent democratic slogan that the Babri Masjid be re-built where it was destroyed, and that action be taken on those responsible.

In addition, soon after Vajpayee’s announcement on Ayodhya, these top ministers openly displayed their association with the RSS, as if to emphasise their rabid Hindutva. Jaswant was pictured in khaki shorts in the company of the RSS; the PM publicly praised the RSS for the "bonding it inspired among its followers and the mamta (concern) it showed towards others"; and all the top BJP ministers were shown paying guru dakshina to their RSS mentors and saluting the saffron flag.

To enflame anti-Moslem passions further, and to prevent them from defending themselves against the physical attacks by the Hindu fascist storm troopers, the central government has now even banned the student organization SIMI (Student Islamic Movement of India) and has unleashed a reign of terror against its activists and leaders. With this they attempt to tie the hands of the Muslim community to fight back the oncoming onslaught of the VHP/Bajrang Dal gang. Here again many Congress(I) chief ministers have themselves been clamouring for its ban, while the SP, fearing the loss of its major vote-bank has been asking for proof of SIMI’s ‘anti-national’ activities. All State governments, including that of the CPM in West Bengal, fully cooperated with the Centre in the arrest of SIMI activists and leaders. It is only the CPI (ML)(People’s War) who has called for the immediate lifting of the ban and the unconditional release of the hundreds of students who have been arrested from all over the country. While SIMI has been banned, Hindu fundamentalists lke the Bajrang Dal, VHP, etc being vigorously promoted.

Finally, in proper Hitlerian style, the UP government has been systematically removing the names of thousands of Muslims from the voter’s lists. This came to light in the Thakurdwara assembly constituency of Moradabad. Though the Election Commission has strongly castigated the UP govt. and demanded the suspension of a number of officials of the region, it is not known in how many other constituencies such methods are being resorted to.

Enhancing the Caste Divide

In a desperate bid to garner votes, the Rajnath Singh government, re-allocated the reservation quotas, purely on the basis of potential vote banks and not social justice, as claimed. Such arbitrary divisions will only increase caste antagonisms and increase the fissures in society. In mid-September, the so-called Social Justice Committee produced in record time (2 months) their 200-page report. Within days the government passed an Ordinance for its full implementation. The report was based on the simple arithmetic of winning the 20% upper-caste vote; 26% of the OBC votes — i.e. the non-Yadav, non-Ahir votes, which chiefly go to Mulayam Singh Yadav’s SP; and 6% of the Dalit vote — i.e. the non-Chamar, non-Jatav, non-Dhusias votes that chiefly go to the BSP. While it is true that the Yadavs and the Jatavs monopolised the bulk of the reservations of the OBC and dalit categories respectively, the new sub-divisions are also biased in favour of certain castes. The CM threatened to fill up a huge 45,000 vacant posts in the State government on the basis of the new categorization, well before the elections.

The 27% OBC category has been increased to 28% and divided into three Schedules. Schedule A (Yadavs & Ahirs) 5%; Schedule B (comprising 8 ‘Most Backward Castes’, including the financially strong Jats, Kurmis and Gujars) 9%; and Schedule C (comprising 70 ‘Extremely Backward Castes’, including 22 in the Muslim community) 14%. The categorization of Schedules B&C, has been done in such a way that a few privileged castes will monopolise the entire benefits.

The 21% reservations in the dalit category are now divided into: Schedule A (comprising Chamars, Jatavs, and Dhusias) 10%; and Schedule B (comprising 65 other dalit castes) 11%.

Besides, to pander to the upper-castes, it has disallowed reservations for the ‘creamy layer’, removed the reservations for the dependents of Class 1 & 2 employees, and created a new category of 5% reservations for the upper-castes living below the poverty line.

While it is correct that no particular caste should be allowed to monopolise the entire benefits of reservations and so the categorization needed change, the new basis favours the upper-castes and the more well off amongst OBCs, except for the two castes that support the S.P. Such arbitrary re-division, not based on proper criteria, will only enflame and enhance the divisions amongst the castes.

While utilizing caste and communalism as their main plank the UP government, which has been on a massive retrenchment spree for the last 5 years, has now decided on a big recruitment drive. Besides the 45,000 reserved posts which it plans to fill, it has also declared it will fill 20,000 teacher’s posts, plus add another 15,000 new recruitments. In addition it has announced the implementation of the 5th Pay Commission for the lakhs of the teachers of the State. While earlier claiming bankruptcy, it has now suddenly found an excess of funds. In addition, it was at a rally in a UP village that Vajpayee announced the Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojna scheme, involving a Rs.10, 000 crore food-for-work programme. That the earlier food-for-work programmes lie unimplemented is another matter.

The people of UP and the country as a whole, must remain alert to the BJP’s stunts to utilise caste and whip up communal hatred to gather votes.

The same BJP, that has vehemently opposed the Mandal Commission and reservation for dalits, now claims to be in favour of a new categorization of reservations. This is a hoax, as it well knows that reservations today are meaningless, with the State governments planning mass retrenchment drives. The BJP’s ideology is brahaminical, and they are a purely upper-caste party who serve the zamindars, banias, and comprador/imperialist interests, who despise not only the masses of OBCs and dalits, but also the poor amongst the higher castes. They use people merely as vote banks, to be discarded soon after the elections, continuing their service to the ruling elite.

While the opposition parties adopt a milder form of Hindutva, they also serve the same classes from the different castes and communities. They compete with the BJP also for the upper-caste votes. The rulers and the opposition are but two sides of the same ruling class coin. Voting for one or the other will make no difference to the lives of the masses. People can defend their rights only through struggling for it in the streets, not through votes. Boycotting the elections and building alternative revolutionary organizations can more effectively enhance this consciousness. It is only such revolutionary bodies that can effectively fight against the feudal mafia that dominates UP politics, defend the rights of the oppressed masses, and mobilize all democratic forces around the call for re-building the Babri Masjid in the same spot where it was illegally destroyed.

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