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 Lenin pointed out: 
"There are compromises and compromises. One must be able to analyse the 
situation and the concrete conditions of each compromise, or of each variety of 
compromise. One must learn to distinguish between a man who gave the bandits 
money and firearms in order to lessen the damage they can do and facilitate 
their capture and execution, and a man who gives bandits money and firearms in 
order to share in the loot." 
Alongside the 
development of the workers’ movement in various countries after the victory of 
the October Revolution, the struggle within the international communist movement 
became more and more intensified. There were two erroneous trends of thought at 
that time. On the one hand, Right opportunists constituted the main danger; on 
the other hand, because the Communist Parties and Left organizations, which had 
just come into being in many countries, lacked experience in struggle, their 
comprehension of the tortuous and complex nature of the revolutionary road was 
incomplete and they were not good at learning from the experience of the 
Bolshevik Party in the light of the specific conditions of revolution in their 
own countries. While opposing the treacherous compromises of the Second 
International’s Right opportunists, they went to the other extreme and rejected 
compromise of any kind. 
In his criticism of 
these two erroneous trends of thought, Lenin elucidated the unity between 
steadfastness in revolutionary principles and flexibility of tactics in 
struggle. To obtain a profound understanding of this important Leninist thesis 
is of very great practical significance in thoroughly exposing the treacherous 
compromises made by Khrushchov, Brezhnev and other renegades, distinguishing the 
necessary compromises between revolutionary countries and imperialist countries 
from the collusion and compromise between Soviet revisionism and U.S. 
imperialism and upholding Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line. 
Policy and tactics 
are the life of the Party. In the course of attaining its long-term strategic 
goal, the proletariat always attaches great importance to its tactics in 
struggle. While adhering to proletarian revolutionary principles, it does not 
rule out necessary flexibility. This is the dialectical unity of principle and 
flexibility. That the proletariat employs various flexible tactics is, in the 
last analysis, aimed at realizing its long-term strategic goal. The first kind 
of compromise mentioned in this instruction of Lenin’s is the very embodiment of 
paying attention to flexibility tactically on the basis of upholding 
revolutionary principles. Obviously, the aim of entering into such a necessary 
compromise is to "facilitate their [the bandits’] capture and 
execution." This compromise, therefore, serves only as a tactical means. If 
principle is not integrated with flexibility, it would not be helpful in wiping 
out the "bandits." The other category of compromise which is just the opposite 
is purely a capitulationist one aimed at sharing in the loot with the bandits. 
This is not upholding principles but bartering away principles and selling out 
the fundamental interests of the proletariat. 
The enemies of the 
revolutionary forces are definitely not monolithic. Their class nature 
determines that they contend as well as collude with one another. Their 
collusion serves the purpose of more intensified contention. Contention is 
absolute and protracted, whereas collusion is relative and temporary. Such being 
the case, the revolutionary forces can make use of their contradictions. As 
Lenin pointed out: "To refuse beforehand to manoeuvre, to utilize the 
conflict of interests (even though temporary) among one’s enemies, to refuse to 
temporize and compromise with possible (even though temporary, unstable, 
vacillating and conditional) allies is not this ridiculous in the extreme?" 
Chairman Mao also criticized the wrong practice of striking with two "fists" in 
two directions at the same time. In a certain period of time, there are always 
main and secondary enemies. In order to isolate the main enemy to the greatest 
possible extent and concentrate all forces to strike at it, the revolutionary 
forces enter into certain necessary compromises with some other enemies at a 
given time. Not only is this possible but there has been no lack of precedent in 
the history of revolution. "Make use of contradictions, win over the many, 
oppose the few and crush our enemies one by one." This is a tactical 
principle which the Chinese Communist Party has consistently employed in its 
protracted revolutionary struggle. Needless to say, when making necessary 
compromises with opponents, the revolutionaries must take care to lead the 
opponents instead of being led by the nose and to wage struggles on just 
grounds, to our advantage and with restraint and achieve alliance through 
struggle. Only thus can they avoid forfeiting the revolutionary principles and 
ensure the victorious advance of the revolutionary cause. 
Lenin cited many 
historical instances of the revolutionary social-democratic party in his 
"Left-Wing" Communism, an Infantile Disorder to illustrate the necessity of 
temporary compromises under the condition that revolutionary principles were not 
abandoned. An outstanding example was the Brest-Litovsk Treaty concluded by the 
Soviet Republic led by Lenin with German imperialism in 1918. After the victory 
of the October Socialist Revolution, the new-born Soviet regime was faced with 
the threat of aggression by an armed-to-the-teeth German imperialism. To 
consolidate Soviet power, it was imperative to end the war immediately. After 
making a comprehensive and profound analysis of the situation, Lenin pointed out 
that signing a peace treaty with German imperialism was not "surrendering" to 
imperialism but winning a respite for the young Soviet regime to build up a new 
army which would learn and make preparations for fighting the enemies in all 
seriousness and in earnest. Lenin led the whole Party in smashing the Trotsky 
and Bukharin anti-Party clique’s plot to wreck the peace talks and strangle the 
Soviet regime in the cradle. Thanks to the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk 
Treaty, the Bolshevik Party won the time to consolidate the Soviet regime, build 
the workers’ and peasants’ Red Army and rally the revolutionary forces, thereby 
laying the groundwork for victory in the civil war that was to break out. 
Lenin’s thinking and practice in integrating steadfastness in revolutionary 
principles with flexibility in revolutionary tactics constituted an invaluable 
experience for the proletarian political parties the world over. 
Chairman Mao, the 
great leader of the Chinese people, has inherited, defended and developed the 
great strategic and tactical thinking of Marxism-Leninism. In August 1945, he 
went to Chungking in person for talks with Chiang Kai-shek, setting an example 
of a high degree of unity between steadfastness in revolutionary principles and 
flexibility in revolutionary tactics. In the light of the historical lessons at 
home and abroad learnt at the cost of bloodshed, Chairman Mao pointed out during 
the negotiations: "The arms of the people, every gun and every bullet, must 
all be kept, must not be handed over." In this way, the Chinese Communist 
Party protected the fundamental interests of the nation and gained for itself 
full initiative, won the sympathy and support of the progressive forces at home 
and abroad and bared Chiang Kai-shek’s plot to unleash a civil war, thus 
creating favourable conditions for seizing victory in the Chinese revolution. 
In "Left-Wing" 
Communism, an Infantile Disorder, Lenin incisively stated that it was 
essential to oppose two erroneous tendencies if steadfastness in revolutionary 
principles and flexibility of tactics in struggle were to be integrated. He 
pointed out that Right opportunism "was the principal enemy of Bolshevism 
within the working-class movement. It remains the principal enemy 
internationally too" and that it was necessary to devote the "most 
attention" to it. While criticizing this tendency, Lenin also noted that 
there was another tendency, that of "petty-bourgeois revolutionism" or 
"Left-wing" infantile disorder. Lenin’s thesis on taking note of one tendency 
covering another is also of great importance to our correct use of 
Marxist-Leninist tactical principles of struggle. In both international and 
domestic struggles today, tendencies may still occur similar to those of the 
past, namely, when there was an alliance with the bourgeoisie, necessary 
struggles were forgotten, and when there was a split with the bourgeoisie, the 
possibility of an alliance under given conditions was forgotten. Therefore, in 
combining steadfastness in revolutionary principles with flexibility of tactics 
in struggle, we must always remain sober-minded so as to ensure the victorious 
advance of the revolution along Chairman Mao’s Marxist-Leninist line. 
Lenin also pointed 
out in this work that one must direct "the full edge of merciless exposure 
and relentless war" against treacherous compromises, "and not allow the 
past masters at ‘practical’ Socialism and the parliamentary Jesuits to dodge and 
wriggle out of responsibility by disquisitions on ‘compromises in general."’ 
Lenin’s criticism of revisionism is our sharp weapon for repudiating Khrushchov, 
Brezhnev and their like today. 
The two fundamentally 
different types of compromises reflect two fundamentally different lines. 
"Our policy is to protect the fundamental interests of the people." The 
fruits of victory won by the people must be defended by fighting and never be 
given up lightly. The treacherous compromises made by all Right opportunists 
were nothing but sharing in the loot with bandits at the expense of the greatest 
interests of the overwhelming majority of the masses. Hence the basic criterion 
for distinguishing between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary compromises 
is protecting or selling out the people’s fundamental interests. 
— From Peking Review No. 52, December 
28, 1973 
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