Volume 2, No. 3, March 2001

Question 1 :- Recently your party has been having serious clashes with the CPI(ML) Liberation (Henceforth referred to as ‘Liberation’). What is the reason for this ?

Com. Sravan :- These clashes are nothing new. They go back a long time. Depending on the circumstances, they have been either mild or sharp. The root cause for the clashes between the two parties is political. Without going into the political reasons behind these clashes, it will be very difficult to understand the reality.

In the Liberation group, which at one time was one of the strong groups defending Charu Mazumdar’s revolutionary line, after the martyrdom of Com. Johar, with the leadership falling into the hands of Vinod Mishra, they began betraying the Indian revolution. As part of a conspiratorial plan, a once revolutionary party was gradually changed into a revisionist party, like the CPI and CPM. The armed resistance struggles against the state’s attacks, taking place under the then leadership of Liberation, was ended. The armed struggle to crush the feudal private armies, was made a secondary task. In this way, they diverted the entire group away from the basic path outlined by the unified CPI(ML), and particularly of its founder, Com. CM — that of protracted people’s war — into becoming agents of the ruling classes, by surrendering them to the parliamentary path. They converted the Com. Johar-led Liberation, from being a revolutionary movement, into a legalist, reformist and parliamentary movement; and changed the underground organisation into an open opportunist and revisionist organisation.

Before its downfall, the Liberation had regarded our Party as a revolutionary party; but as it began traversing the path towards its collapse, it first began propagating that we were ‘semi-anarchists’, then that we were ‘anarchists’, and later, that we were a ‘criminal-feudal gang’. Now-a-days, with cowardly hatred, they use the same terminology as the ruling classes and their political parties, calling us ‘terrorists’, and even going to the extent of demanding police repression on us.

They say all this, even though our Party from the very start, till today, has steadfastly followed the basic revolutionary path as outlined by the unified CPI(ML) and its founders Com. CM and Com. Johar, of "remaining underground, boycotting the parliamentary path and staying firm on the path of protracted people’s war." Today, while continuing the armed struggle against the ruling class and their protectors, the state and private armies, enduring several forms of heightening repressive campaigns, and while continuously developing the political line, we have the glory of leading the armed struggle on a country-wide scale.

But there is one difference in the nature of Liberation’s armed attacks on us earlier and those done recently. Earlier, ours being a new and small party, the Liberation, with the arrogance of a big party, launched attacks on us, with the intention of swallowing up our very limited mass base. But now, their attacks stem from their desperation and frustration to protect their dwindling mass base.

In the earlier phase, the centre of their attacks was focussed on the regions of Jehanabad/East Mukhdumpur, Ghosi, Kako, Kurtha and Karpi of Jehanabad district and also some areas of Patna district. In those days, as our activity was confined to these regions in the Jehanabad-Patna belt, the Liberation, with a size many times ours, gathered their armed forces from many areas to launch attacks on us. At that time we even made considerable efforts to solve the problem through talks. But, as they had foul intentions, the problem only worsened. In order to safeguard our existence, we had to mobilise the people, not only against the repressive police and feudal private armies, but also against attacks from the Liberation. We had to counter their false propaganda by spreading the truth. We had to counter their armed attacks with armed defensive actions. Our Party was left with no other alternative. As a result, in those areas quite serious clashes took place between the revisionists and the revolutionary forces — i.e., between the incorrect and correct forces.

Today, in most of those old areas, armed clashes have, in the main, ended. There, the revolutionary naxalites have achieved victory, the sarkari naxalites have been defeated. Though Liberation still exists in those areas, compared to earlier it is much weakened. Now, they are not in a position to organise armed attacks on us. As a result, from our side too, there is no necessity to resort to armed attacks. The political struggle, of course, continues.

But as we began once again lighting the torch of revolution in their historical fortress of Bhojpur (which was once a real revolutionary fortress of great martyrs like Com. Johar, Rameshwar, Jagdish, Buten, but was later turned into a revisionist base by the traitor Vinod Mishra) and north Aurangabad, their armed attacks began once again. Armed goons of the Liberation attacked a procession of our mass organisation conducting political propaganda. People were tied hand and foot, mercilessly beaten and robbed of their belongings. They also fired on a funeral meeting of three martyred comrades — Com. Hari Sharmi, Com. Suresh Ram and Com. Girija Ram. These comrades had been invited by the Liberation for talks, and then surreptiously killed.

But, it was not only these three comrades who were killed by Liberation. In order to prevent our growth into Bhojpur and North Aurangabad numerous comrades of the then PU were killed like our activists Com. Rajder Das and Luten Yadav, and supporters like Com. Sunil Mahato, Ram Kishan, Ramdeep Paswan and Lalan Ram. They destroyed many houses and even got the police to arrest and imprison a number of people. Yet they could not stop our entry into Bhojpur and North Aurangabad. Due to widespread resistance, the revisionists had to finally bow before the growing revolutionary forces. They were compelled to stop armed actions against us, so, we too stopped retaliatory armed actions against them.

Today, if we leave aside some small pockets of the Jehanabad and Paliganj zone and small parts of the Dhanrua zone, the main clashes between us and the Liberation are centred around the Vikram-Naubatpur-Masaudi regions of Patna district, and in their main historical fortress of Punpun in the Magadh region. They were dumb-founded to see their main historical centres slipping out of their hands. Desperate and furious, besides spreading despicable lies against us, they also resorted to armed attacks. When their armed goons are unable to face the units of the PGA, they resort to large-scale killings of our supporters. For example, the only reason for their armed goondas to attack and even kill people of Saphadhi village (Masaudi PS) and Mukhdumpur village (Punpun PS) was because they just once gave food and shelter to our squad. In Chaata village (Masaudi) they killed one of our supporters — a dalit woman named Krishna Devi — after declaring her an agent of the PW. But their most shameless act was the killing of a totally handicapped person — Com. Vinay Paswan, who was a member of the state committee of the youth organisation BNS (Bharat Naujavan Sabha) and secretary of the Masaudi office. They attacked and killed Paswan as he was returning to the office from village Bakhra on his ‘handicapped-cycle.’ By conducting this planned attack on a defenceless person, they displayed to what depths of cowardice they had sunk. And lately, they massacred four of our supporters from the backward castes in Solarpur village (Jehanabad).

In just the three years since 1997, Liberation’s armed goons have killed over 45 of our activists and supporters, including Coms. Jawahar Yadav, Sarvar Singh, Gholat Singh, Gajal Bind, Jitendra Yadav, Vijay Singh, Ramanuj Yadav, Judagi Yadav, Dinesh Yadav, Mahesh Yadav, Sanjay Singh, Madhesh Ravidas, Shivratan Singh, Subhash, Vaijnat Yadav, Ajit and Yadav. Till now, we tolerated this. But finally, since August 2000, we were forced to take up retaliatory actions. While they randomly killed our people, they said not a word; but when we retaliated, they began making incredible noise. We do not hesitate to say that about a dozen of their people have been given the death sentence. But, we never targeted their ordinary supporters, but attacked only those who were involved in the killing of revolutionaries. Besides, another dozen were killed, who sought clashes with us in the field.

We would like to clearly state that, even with revisionists, we believe only in political struggle. But, like the reactionaries, if any revisionists force, tried to crush us by the use of weapons, we will give a fitting reply. However much the Liberation may resort to killing revolutionaries, there is no doubt that, just as happened in other areas, their arrogance to conduct armed actions will soon be smashed. We will definitely defeat the revisionists not only in the Vikram-Naubasta-Masaudi belt, but also in their last historical fortress — Punpun. Then, in these regions too, clashes between the two will come to an end.

Com. Sravan :- How can we expect a truthful analysis of ongoing events, from a party whose very political foundation is based on lies and falsehood ? They throw dust in people’s eyes, befool them with falsehoods and resort to all kinds of manipulations, tricks, hypocrisy and outlandish false propaganda. Any opposing force is sought to be silenced through an assortment of lies and fabricated accusations. This has, in the immediate, become a necessity to prop up their political existence. It is, in fact, linked to the goals they seek. No doubt, the Liberation has achieved expertise in all this.

You have only asked us whether we have links with the Ranvir Sena (RS). But the Liberation has accused us of links not only with the RS, but also with the Bhoomi Sena and the Kisan Sangh. Not only that, they propagate that we are linked to the police administration and even the RJD government.

Even ruling class parties do not have the guts to concoct such wild accusations. We cannot but congratulate the Liberation, their general secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya, and other top leaders for their courage. Ofcourse, with such a white lie, instead of fooling the masses, they only expose themselves.

Our party would like to ask Liberation and its leader Dipankar babu, if our party has links with the RJD and police establishment, then why does the government put a ban on our activities ? Why is there a declared and undeclared ban on our mass organisations ? Why are they attacked with lathis and bullets ? Why are our people imprisoned, and regular new methods devised to destroy us ? Why is the police administration regularly killing our guerrillas and leaders ? While we face all this, their party is allowed to freely maintain armed goons, keep all sorts of illegal weapons and given full freedom to conduct violent activities. There is no ban on them. On the contrary, the state government guarantees full protection to their leaders, and grants them various concessions and facilities. Why ?

While accusing us of links with the RJD, it itself is continuously involved in love and hate games in the Vidhan Sabha with the RJD and other ruling class parties, displaying utmost opportunism. When it wanted to save Laloo’s ruling class, RJD party, it sought to fool the people by calling it a middle-of-the-road democratic government, and so gave it ‘negative’ support in the Vidhan Sabha. But later, when Laloo bought over most of Liberation’s MLAs (some 5 or 6), they displayed utmost opportunism by now calling the RJD a ruling class and reactionary party. Similarly, in order to win elections, it even went to the extent of categorising the ruling class George-Nitish Samata party as a democratic force; yet, later, when the political wheeling-dealing altered, they did not hesitate to call George an American agent and Nitish an agent of the landlords.

Last year, they displayed yet another example of the opportunist alliances with ruling class parties, when they voted against Nitish’s government, to bring in the Rabri government. And when the Rabri government was formed it put on an act pretending to be against it. Playing such games with ruling class parties, and throwing dust in people’s eyes while doing all this, is part of the Liberation’s culture — not ours.

Their opportunism is not confined to their behaviour with ruling class parties, it also manifests with the revolutionaries.

The event of Chakiya village (near Imamganj) is well known to all. There, worker-peasants that support our party, penalised, in a people’s court, a lumpen from the backward castes for eve-teasing a girl, who happened to be from the upper caste, Bhumihars. With this, the Liberation’s local leaders loudly propagated that we supported a forward Bhumihar and took action against a backward Koiri. Instigating the Koiris, they took out a procession against the decision of the people’s court. Taking advantage of this conflict, the police killed three children in a ruthless lathi charge. In the resulting commotion, Dipankar babu also descended on Imamganj, together with a host of leaders, spouting venom at a public meeting against the decision of the people’s court and inciting people against our party. Not only that, in a bid to garner the Koiri votes by enflaming caste hatred, he accused us of colluding with the RS and even police.

Yet, a few months later, in events occurring in Selarpur (Jehanabad) they took an exactly opposite stand. Here we took armed action against the reactionary Gowrishankar Sharma (a Bhumihar) for harassing the people and collaborating with the police against the revolutionaries. When his property was confiscated and house blown up, the Liberation not only instigated people against us, but also revenged this action by massacring four poor people who were our supporters.

If in Imamganj they linked us with the RS and police administration, just for supporting a Bhumihar; then in their political language, with whom did they stand in Selarpur ? Their policy while dealing with both events smacks of outright political opportunism on the question of caste.

As far as the question of relationship with the feudal private armies goes, this too must be seen in the light of facts. Everyone knows that, though the Bhoomi Sena was born in the Liberation’s old areas of Punpun, Masaudi and Dhanrua, the fiercest battles against them took place in the Jehanabad-Masaudi area. And in this, our party (the then PU) played a major role. Our Party fought firmly against the Bhoomi Sena, by mobilising the masses both politically and militarily, resulting in their thorough defeat. They were forced to surrender, with arms, before the masses and our Party. Like criminals, they had to even face economic and social penalties.

The Lorik Sena too was born in the Liberation area of Nalanda. Yet the Lorik Sena’s main force — the Ramanand dacoit gang — was wiped out by us. So it too met its end in Jehanabad. Similarly, the Kisan Sangh was also born in the old Liberation areas of Masaudi and Paliganj. At that time we did not have much work in these areas. These feudal goons had quite an impact on winning over Liberation’s mass base. They conducted the massacres of Tiskhora (Masaudi), Dariyapur (Vikram) and Karkat Bigha (Paliganj) in which over 27 of Liberation’s cadre and supporters were killed. Besides these, in various separate incidents they killed at least another dozen Liberation people. But the Liberation took little armed action against the goons of the Kisan Sangh; they limited their fight to political opposition. As a result, the Kisan Sangh grew, and after eating into Liberation’s mass base, reached our areas. Immediately our Party and masses organised against them. In the very first battle, in the southern region of Masaudi our guerrillas wiped out five of their armed goons. With this action, for the first time, they got terrified. And to finish them off, we also hit them at Paliganj and Karpi. Though the Kisan Sangh cracked under these fierce attacks, some remnants continued. These too were cleared up by our guerrillas. But, all the while, though the Kisan Sangh lived amongst Liberation’s mass base, they did not so much as raise a finger against them.

History provides the evidence as to who really fought the feudal private armies.

Interestingly the Ranvir Sena’s birth also took place in the Liberation’s fortress of Bhojpur. Due to a wrong line and the lack of effective armed actions, the RS grew and gained strength, eating into the Liberation’s mass base, and were thereby able to establish their feet firmly in the Magadh region.

Though today Liberation shamelessly accuses us of links with the RS, it is well known that from the very beginning we mobilised the masses on a large scale, politically, economically and militarily, against them. Our battle against them continued on all three fronts. Our first confrontation with them was over the question of the seizure of hundreds of acres of land in Jalpura (Paliganj). Here, there occurred a pitched battle between the RS on the one side (backed by a police force) and the people and the guerrilla squads on the other. The battle continued for seven hours in broad day light in which four of their goondas were killed, and two police (including an inspector) were injured. Then again in Ankuri (Paliganj) in a sudden encounter our guerrillas finished off six of their armed goons. Yet again, soon after the Narayanpur massacre, four of its participants were finished off in Bhimpura (Jehanabad). In Bertha (Mukhdumpur) three professional goons of the RS were blown up together with the house. The RS leader Lala Sharma (Kurtha),a commander, Gobodin Sharma (Karpi) and Shyam Sharma (Arval), who were involved in a number of massacres, were executed, in separate incidents. Soon after the Shankar Bhigha massacre, Vageshwar Sharma (Arval), a CPI leader and RS fighter, was also finished off. Besides these, in numerous places, like Radhopur (Vikram), Turi (Bela), Rampur (Paliganj), etc., we launched attacks on the RS and finished off many of their goons. Besides, the masses have been mobilised for an economic boycott of some 12 top leaders of the RS.

But if one questions Dipankar babu on this, he will definitely recount some armed actions on the RS. Like what happened at Chouram (Arval). Here, as people were returning from the funeral of the Bathe massacre, 9 ordinary Bhumihars were killed with the aim of garnering the dalit and backward caste votes in the forthcoming elections. And, of course, there is that other important incident of ‘retaliation’, about which they are totally silent — as exposure may force them to bow their heads in shame.

Soon after the Shankar Bhigha massacre, in ‘retaliation’ the Liberation squad attacked innocent customers at a shop in Ursi Bazar (Arval), killing many. Most were from the backward castes or dalits and in no way linked to the RS. If those innocent victims had been Bhumihars, they would have promptly been branded as RS, to make political capital out of the event ! Besides these incidents, they did manage to kill two elements of the RS.

The facts show that in Magadh, while our guerrillas were continuously fighting the RS, the Liberation was busy attacking, not the RS, but the PW. Moreover, in the midst of these battles and massacres, their then leader, Vinod Mishra, began touring Bhojpur conducting ‘talks’ with the RS. In fact, since 1997, while we killed about 40 RS goons, in the same period the Liberation has killed over 45 of our people. The reality is that, while we were fighting the RS, the Liberation sought to weaken us through attacks, while simultaneously their leaders were actively involved in seeking an agreement with the RS. In the mirror of reality the images are clear. Now you decide, who was really fighting the RS.

Even today Bihar is a strong fortress of feudalism. In the course of the class struggle here, it has become a norm for feudal private armies and goonda senas to form and then get destroyed. This is a specificity of this region. The fact is that when the most oppressed and poor people in the village, specifically the dalit community, get organised and becomes a political and social force, the feudal elements do not tolerate this for even a second. They instigate caste hatred and thereby mobilise their own caste people against the movement on wide-scale. And in order to cruelly crush the people’s just movement they organise armed detachments of all thieves, dacoits, lumpens and various types of criminal elements. In this way the feudal private armies and goonda forces get born, which then get direct or indirect support from all the ruling class parties and the state machinery. This counter-revolutionary force is, no doubt, a result of the class struggle. But, with the class struggle conducted on a firm basis, and based on a correct class line, it also becomes the cause for their destruction.

Most of the feudal private armies took birth amongst the Liberation’s mass base. Due to their parliamentary politics, instead of smashing them, they were allowed to grow and gain strength. No doubt, by raising the questions of democracy, land, wage-rates, feudal social oppression etc., the Liberation created the conditions for the rise of the feudal private armies. But they were not interested in deepening the struggle on issues, to gain victories for the people. They were not interested in either smashing the private armies or in destroying the semi-feudal, semi-colonial authority in the villages, so as to establish people’s democratic authority, through armed struggle. Their only aim in raising numerous democratic issues, was to fool the people in order to garner their votes and thereby send their leaders to the Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha.

We too raise democratic issues against feudalism, but our aim is exactly the opposite to that of the Liberation — i.e., to step by step organise the masses into such a political and military force, by which we can crush not only the feudal private armies, but also the most blood-thirsty repressive state machinery; form revolutionary committees and establish people’s genuine democratic power by smashing the semi-feudal, semi-colonial authority; develop area-wise seizure of power, forming Guerrilla Zones and establishing Base Areas; and finally surrounding the cities from the countryside through a protracted people’s war and thereby creating a free democratic India.

The Liberation party, on the other hand, keeps parliamentary politics as their main goal giving primacy to legal and political struggles, while considering the armed struggle against the feudal gangs as secondary and even if they sometimes play-act armed struggle, it is never at the armed feudal gangs, but against some ordinary peasant. This is one aspect of their parliamentary politics. The other aspect is to consciously sacrifice the class line, and, like other political parties, adopt opportunist policies vis-a-vis caste. They enhance caste tensions within society, in order that one section may be mobilised for votes. They either try and prevent class unity amongst the revolutionary people, or they destroy existing class unity by sowing seeds of enmity. One needs to just look a their historical fortresses of Bhojpur and Punpun where they have been working for over 30 years, for evidence of this. Out there, not only have they not been able to win over the ordinary middle peasants, they have even found it difficult to neutralise them.

Com. Sravan :- Just like other counter-revolutionaries, the revisionists utilise false propaganda campaigns against revolutionaries as an important weapon, on the strength of which they continue their existence — now, and even in the future. We have already outlined that the Liberation, together with armed actions against us, also carries out a false propaganda campaign.

We have already described how the Bhoomi Sena was born in 1980; and how by1984/85 they were finished off, mostly due to the role of our party. Since then, over 15 years have passed. Today, there is no one that even takes its name. So, if anyone today says someone has links with the Bhoomi Sena, people will think he is out of his mind.

Ofcourse it is hundred per cent true that just as we were able in Jehanabad-Masaudi to neutralise the old middle-class and poor peasant mass base of the Lorik Sena, and in fact, win over a large section of it, so also in the Jehanabad-Masaudi-Punpun region we were able to attract quite a sizable section of the Bhoomi Sena’s old middle-class mass base. It is on these grounds that the Liberation talks of links with the Bhoomi Sena, which is meaningless. In fact, this unity is an aspect of our political class line and the success we have achieved in it — i.e., the line of basing on the poor and landless, to form a firm alliance with the middle peasants and even to win over the progressive sections of the rich peasants to our side. By countering the caste line of the feudal forces of the Bhoomi Sena and Lorik Sena, and by successfully establishing the class line amongst the people; and also by countering the false propaganda against the revolutionary movement, we have been successful in winning over the middle class mass base of these Senas and isolating the landlord sections. The success proves the correctness of our political class line. Today, though the RS is in high spirits, yet progressive peasants from their caste are with us.

Look, I will tell you an interesting incident. I do not remember the exact year, but may be it was around 1987/88. They seemed to be in a big hurry to bring other castes into their mass base. So they would bring out pamphlets with the names of peoples of various castes on them — like Kurmis, Yadavs, Bhumihar etc., so that in the electoral race they may get some of their votes. But, people understood their manipulation and ignored these appeals.

Today, a major section of the middle class peasants from various castes, are influenced by our class line and close to our party. This has worried the Liberation, who burn with jealousy to see the success of our political line. That is why they throw on us all kinds of muck. Ofcourse when they appealed to the same castes through the handbill, then they did not think that that linked them to Bhoomi Sena, Lorik Sena etc. Now, just because those castes from the middle peasant got organised with us, they began the slander of links with the Bhoomi Sena. They also made them targets of their armed attacks.

Com. Sravan :- True, though not principle, it is definitely one of our agendas — i.e., to throw out not only the Liberation, but also the CPI, CPM and all revisionist parties. Our Party’s main agenda is : in the first stage of the revolution, through armed agrarian revolution, to totally free our country from feudalism, comprador bureaucrat capitalism and imperialism and create a free, self-reliant and happy new democratic India. As a part of this main agenda, one agenda is to root out the CPI, CPM and all revisionists, like the Liberation. Today, at the national and international level, the main danger to revolution is from revisionism, both politically and ideologically. And, in India today the CPI, CPI(M) and the Liberation are merely separate parts of international revisionism. Without destroying these revisionists from their roots, it is impossible for the Indian revolution to be successful.

But their charge of massacres against us is utter nonsense — they have been conducting massacres on our people, and then they accuse us of massacres ! Recently they massacred 4 of our poor innocent supporters (Selarpur) and even shamelessly supported the action. And this was done in revenge for our punishment of the arch reactionary, Gouri Shankar. This man, with the support of Liberation, has killed many of our people, and harassed a number of our supporters, by putting false cases on them.

Even before this, on a number of occasions their armed goons have attacked us with the intention of massacre. For example, when their armed goons twice failed to attack our squad, they mercilessly beat our supporters in Kadiya village. Expecting we would come to their help, they laid in wait to finish off the entire squad. But, in the clash that ensued when our squad reached, one of their goons were killed. A few days later on September 12, 2000, a similar incident took place in the Masaudi area. The Liberation managed to get information that our squad was in Nagthan village. They did a mock firing to draw our squad into an ambush. When our squad went to investigate, they fired at random, but missed. Our squad retaliated and was joined by another squad. The two chased the armed goons upto Chaatha village, but they escaped. But, unintentionally a bullet hit one of their supporters in Chaatha. Though we tried to get him treated, he died. Our intention was never to hit at their ordinary supporters, but only their goons who are responsible for killing our people. Yet they propagated wildly that the PW had gone to Chaatha to perpetrate a massacre.

Now, not even a month has passed since the Badyapur (Punpun PS) incident took place. This has been widely propagated by Liberation, and the media, as a PW massacre. The reality is exactly the opposite. Though nine Liberation goons were killed, we successfully prevented them from perpetrating a massacre. Their aim was to create a white terror to prevent the spread of our Party into their heartland. What then occurred on October 1, 2000 ?

Three villagers from Badyapur were taking their onions in a boat on the Punpun river, for sale. On the way, Liberation goons attacked them and looted their onions. This angered the villagers of Badyapur who went to the neighbouring Karaya village and began taking onions from those involved in the looting. Little did the villagers realise this was a trap to lure them into this village and then finish them off. Soon they saw large number of armed goons of the Liberation approaching. Fortunately, they were able to escape back to their village. The goons then chased them, surrounded their village and began firing indiscriminately. On hearing this, a LGS (Local Guerrilla Squad) together with the village defence units attacked the armed goons, who were about 30 in number. The battle continued for 3 hours, in which 9 of their goons were killed and one of our LGS members, Sanjay Kumar, was martyred. As their plot to massacre our people and create terror misfired, they propagated widely that we had done a massacre.

On October 15 this was propagated by none other than the Liberation general secretary and other top leaders at a public meeting in neighbouring Sahrajpur village. Dipankar went even further concocting the story that unarmed people were returning from a public meeting, when they were massacred by the PW. Comparing the PW with the RS, he called on the people to return blood for blood. While this meeting was held under heavy police protection, when our mass organisation held a public meeting, on the same issue, at Mukhdumpur (October 22) it was lathi-charged, and the meeting continued countering police threats and lathis.

The modus operandi of the Liberation now is to kill our supporters and then put the charge on the victim that he was about to commit a massacre. Such an accusation was put on one of our supporters, Subhash Singh of Doripur (Masaudi), after killing him. How could a single person, without even a small weapon, be proceeding to conduct a massacre ? Obviously, this is to cover up their own actions. In fact it is they who have made four failed attempts of massacre (twice in Kadiya, at Chaatha and Badyapur); the fifth one at Selarpur succeeded. Perpetrating massacres against us is now part of their armed work-plan.

Take the case of the Brahmachak incident. After investigation the Magadh Zonal Committee of the Party came out with a press release in which they stated : The killings occurred as a result of people’s anger against the Selarpur massacre. In spite of that, to kill two innocent persons — Subedar Paswan and Sudhir Paswan — was incorrect, and the zonal committee takes full responsibility for the unfortunate event. It is very saddened by the action, expresses full apology and deeply regrets the loss caused to the families. It further adds, that though the two were Liberation supporters, neither had ever taken part in any killing campaigns against us. No doubt, these two innocent people became victims of our action. This was against the wishes of the Party, as our policy is only to hit at those Liberation people who actually participate in their killings, never against their general supporters. The zonal committee, to give confidence to the masses, gave an assurance that concrete steps would be taken to see that such errors were never repeated.

Com. Sravan :- Your question is very genuine. It is not only your question but that of the entire masses, and also all democratic and progressive people.

There was a time when the districts of Patna, Jehanabad and Gaya were strong fortresses of the CPI. They were fought politically and ideologically, and thrown out of the rural areas, and today these regions have changed into a fortress of the PW. But while countering the CPI not once did we have to resort to the gun. Why ? On the other hand, while countering the Liberation, at each step forward we are forced to pick up the gun. This is a basic question that needs some thought. The answer, though, is clear — to protect its crumbling mass base the CPI never had the guts to use the gun against us; so we too countered them only politically-ideologically and never felt the need to use the gun. But, with the Liberation, in the face of the increasing influence of our revolutionary politics, with their mass base declining and their historical fortress slipping out of their hands, to reverse this growth, they not only utilised the police, but resorted to a bloody campaign by their armed goons. Instead of hitting at the Ranvir Sena, they killed our activists and supporters. They adopt the policy of conducting mainly political struggle against the Ranvir Sena and oppressive state, and armed struggle against revolutionaries. In such a situation, against our will, we are forced to resort to, not only political and ideological struggles, but also retaliatory armed actions.

Today, whatever armed clashes are taking place in pockets of Magadh, which has created much harm to the masses due to killings and violence, the entire responsibility lies on these Khrushchev/Deng revisionists, the Sarkari Naxalite Liberation and the police administration and RJD government, which gives them open licence to act as they wish.

Our Party appeals to all journalists, democratic and progressive organisations and individuals, who have confidence in democratic movements, to themselves visit the areas of clashes, do investigations, and bring out the truth and also give any practical suggestions on a direction towards stopping these clashes. Our Party will welcome this effort of yours, and will lend you all necessary assistance.

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