Volume 2, No. 1, January 2001

I

Delhi Aflame

— by Amrit

It was long overdue. And at last we witnessed it.

November 20, 2000 was a day for the down-trodden who live in the belly of a giant beast called India. On that day the capital city Delhi belonged to its people. They were free to express themselves in whatever way they deemed correct in the prevailing circumstances. And the most correct expression they choose was : violence. Violence is what they have been experiencing for years in agonies, worries and anxieties of a day-to-day life full of uncertainties. Ride a bus or walk into a street, or a by-lane or onto any of the main roads which are interwoven into each other like a vast net, the morning hours depict a dismal scene. You don’t find people coming out afresh after a good night’s sleep. They are tired and weary, gloomy and worried. A sea of troubled persons hurrying towards something they don’t want to, yet, they have to. The destination is : work place. These are very busy hours. Those who get involved in a road accident at such hours are the most unfortunate ones. It is not the right time for such a kind of extravaganza. Nobody stops for you, no time to look around. This is business-as-usual.

But on the morning of 20th of November, Monday, this wretched cycle of business-as-usual gets broken with a bang, nay, a number of bangs — here, there and everywhere. It seems the man on the street has suddenly gained consciousness and has come alive to his surroundings and fellow travellers.

The dangerously monotonous routine of life in the capital suddenly came to a halt as agitated men, women and children stormed on to the streets in great numbers and unleashed their long pent up ire against whatever they considered as symbols of the oppressive system. This coming into being of the hitherto yielding and lifeless looking population of the working masses was celebrated by the people themselves with greetings and slogans. Groups of hundreds and thousands took control of the streets, barricaded the roads, chased off the police parties, smashed government properties and pulled down whatever stood in their way. The bourgeois press described them as "rampaging crowds", "arsonists" and "hoodlums". The highest court of the land labelled the rebellious people as "hooligans" spreading lawlessness in the capital. All the `epithets’ which the present system reserves for anti-social, lumpen and criminal elements were hurled on to the protesting people. It was an indictment by those who rule, of those who are ruled. An example that the people are not one with the system. Rightly said. Of course the people are not one with the system and the system does not represent the people.

For the system and its agencies, the people who participated in the November 20 protests were unruly and lawless "urchins" as they had "protested crudely". For, it was these masses who challenged and dared the establishment, its laws and the `civilized’ behaviour it represents. They went against the laws, disrupted the usual goings-on and refused to be cowed down by cane charges, teargas shells and bullets. On that day, usual law-abiders were out with a vengeance as law-breakers.

Fires burned at numerous places in Delhi’s working class and poor districts. Special targets were police vehicles, government buildings, police pickets and buses. Khaki clad police personnel proved the most hated objects for the people. Crowds chased them away and fought pitched battles with them using stones. Many a panicky police personnel threw away their uniforms and changed into civilian dresses to escape the ire of the people. Buses were the next popular target which have come to represent the ‘lawful’ pickpockets the people have to confront daily. At the time of the last steep bus fare hike, Delhites had remained unmoved, silently suffering the extra burden, though, the resentment simmered within. The protests then were staged by the BJP’s city stalwarts with a handful of sycophants around. The bourgeois-controlled press had greatly highlighted these ‘protests’ — a la elitist, NGO style social campaigns. But the people, in general, who had remained away from these "protests", betrayed a gloomy helpless mass. November twenty provided them with a chance to express their rage at that price hike. They burned 12 buses completely, and smashed nearly 80 of them throughout the day long revolts.

This time too the ruling class representatives tried to steal the initiative of the masses and confine it to verbal warfare but the issue this time proved too big to be "handled" in a "civilized" way, atleast for once. The livelihood of millions of people was at stake. The highest court of the system had wanted immediate exercising of its 1996 verdict to move "polluting" and "non-conforming" industrial units out of the city’s residential areas. That meant mass closures and millions losing their jobs.

The impact was enormous and the ensuing rage too great. For two days the BJP leaders tried to channelise mass discontent to gain political mileage over the Congress’ Shiela Dixit government. But then had to let go off the reins in the face of the rising spontaneous wave of public rage. Neither the BJP nor the Congress wanted to be accused of taking the Supreme Court’s side. Both had to yield to the pressure of the masses. Some critics accuse both parties of stealthily inciting the masses. The reality is, the mass rage was proving difficult to be controlled and the ruling class parties were forced to ‘side’ with the people, in order to douse the fire. But they did not move until the November 20 revolts shook off the very foundations of the administration. Ruling class parties scrambled on to the stage on the evening of November 20, after the masses had had their day long fill of the happiness of pulling down barriers and symbols, which have been choking them.

Almost all of the working class areas of the national capital were up in arms. Delhi administration’s November 19 campaign of sealing off all kinds of industrial units in the non-conforming (residential) areas triggered off a snowballing effect on the already surging resentment and rage. On Monday morning, sealing teams led by the SDMs were gheraoed, thrashed and forced to flee. Workers, who were suddenly thrown out of the jobs, and owners (of about 1,20,000 small scale industrial units) faced with the prospect of total economic collapse, took to the streets. For two days they had been protesting peacefully and had blocked traffic at various intersections. But the authorities continued with the job of shutting off factories. Even the Electricity Board and Jal Board were directed to cut off electricity and water supply to the industrial units. This all out attack on the livelihood of millions of people including workers, small scale owners, petty shop keepers and all others depending upon, or ancillary to, these units were enough to enrage these people. Faced with the danger of ruination, all sections closed ranks and spontaneously embarked upon the path of mass protest and agitation.

The outpouring of the protesting people was so strong and extensive that suddenly a realisation dawned on many that Delhi does not belong to the corrupt politicians, bureaucrats and the dons of the land mafia only. There are others too who have a claim over it. Delhi’s upper crust, which thrives in the corridors of power, indulges in houte contour ‘cultural-renaissance’, controls big business and popularise decadent art and literature, despises the common man. Its socialites and elites want to cleanse Delhi of "pollution", "the polluting scenes" and of the ‘dirty’ common man. They want to enforce a strict "urban discipline", as Urban Development Minister Jagmohan has said so that they are able to pull into their lungs "unpolluted air" at the cost of the livelihood and lives of millions of people.

In fact, the wholesale closure of factories was initiated because the authorities themselves did not know that which are the polluting industries and which are not. They wanted only a cleansing work to make way for the Master Plan. Moreover the share of vehicles in polluting the air is 3.6 times more than the industries. Government has no plans to check this menace.

If one looks beyond the surface, we find enormous frauds over implementation of the Master Plan itself since the past three decades.

In the first Master Plan in 1962 several industrial units were to be cleared that were in residential areas. But by the end of this plan in 1982, due to non-implementation and high-level corruption in the DDA (Delhi Development Authority), a gap was left of about 30,000 industrial units, for which it was supposed to provide industrial work space, but failed to do so. The then vice-chairman of the DDA was none other than the same Jagmohan, who now spouts pious statements on ‘urban discipline’.

But the fraud does not end here. A new Master Plan should have been ready in 1982. Instead, it was shelved, and the entire city was geared to host the completely unplanned Asiad Games. Huge stadia, roads, hotels, flyovers, offices, apartments and colonies were constructed to cater to the needs of the Games and the commercial spillover. All this was in complete violation of the First Master Plan. But who bothered ? Crores were being made by DDA officials, bureaucrats and ministers; and the builders, contractors and businessmen were having a field day. The current Master Plan came into force in 1991 — one decade late.

Moreover, a dirty nexus of politician-industrialist-bureaucrat exists in issuing licenses for industrial units with corruption ruling most of the dealings. Delhi’s authorities issued 15,000 licenses to industries, even after the Supreme Court had given out its prohibitory orders. And thousands of establishments run even without formal licenses. The corruption nexus, other than the vote politics too must have been a factor in determining the attitude of the Shiela Dixit government in the current crisis.

When the Supreme Court says that "hooligans have taken to the streets", it well defines the attitude of the ruling classes towards workers and the general public.

They want the protests to be refined, well orchestrated and within "civilized limits" — the way the ruling class parties tend to do but failed on the morning of November 20. In North-East Delhi the people exhibited courage, sweep and a fury which is unprecedented in Delhi’s recent history. Incidentally, this area also represents the most affected part of the city where a great number of industrial units were to be sealed off. Hence, the ire of the people. Here the people burned down the Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited building too. On the whole, 12 buses, 7 police motorcycles, a car of a session judge, two other government vehicles, a postal van, one railway engine and a government liquor van were torched. People also smashed 80 buses, police pickets and stoned the house of the Delhi Industries Minister. At many places, pitched battles with the police were fought. Understandably, the main points of conflagration were those where the working class and lower middle classes had the maximum concentration. Here mostly those people live who have no stake in the present oppressive and exploitative system. The people armed themselves with whatever they could lay their hands on. While tyre burning and putting road blocks as barricades were the commonest methods used another unique tactic was seen in an area where people smashed a whole length of the concrete pavement and railing dividing a road into two parallel lanes. The people armed themselves with its stones and slabs. The street battles, though spontaneous, were fought in a relatively entrenched fashion with by-lanes acting as reserves and protective defenses. At the same time these by-lanes were used as spring-boards to attack the police. The best battles were fought in north-east Delhi.

The people, however spontaneous in their drive, controlled the streets. The only, and also one of great import, handicap was that of political direction and objective. Without this, they resembled a crowd of rebels waiting to be baptised into fighters for a real revolutionary cause.

No doubt, they were fighting against oppression and the real uniting force which made them stand as a wall against the oppressors was the heightened political understanding that without fighting back the government onslaught they won’t be able to thwart it. That is the reason they broke loose of the confining tactics of ruling class parties. They have yet to learn that the enemy is shrewd and more experienced. Here arise the necessity of a really revolutionary organisation which can lead them to a complete victory over the enemy.

Mohammad Irfan and Ajab Singh fell to the police bullets, fighting bravely. Another succumbed to injuries later. The Delhi revolts, a one-day festival of the down-trodden, indicate the growing discontent and alienation of the people from the prevailing system. The people, Hindus and Muslims alike, found a common cause to fight against the rulers. The otherwise volatile communal atmosphere of the capital saw class unity coming to the fore. The Irfans and Ajab Singhs fought side by side to the bewilderment of the rulers. It also shows the increasing inability of the rulers to provide the people with an alternative within the bounds of the system. Unable to provide an alternative to the people the rulers have devised step-wise means to shut off the factories starting with 2245 polluting units first. At the same time they have acquired additional companies of the Rapid Action Force to control the ‘rioting’ people. In the background of an increasingly splitting up scenario of the socio-economic fabric into distinct and opposing class interests such revolts are bound to be repeated at other places too in future. The workers and other oppressed sections need a clear political perspective to not fall prey again to the ruling class politicians and to enhance and systematise their capacity to fight back.

The limitations of such spontaneous outbursts was visible in the Delhi bandh held a few days later, which was ruthlessly suppressed. The Delhi police force was reinforced by 40 companies of outside police. They forcibly prevented the protesters from gathering and coming on the streets. To prevent large gatherings and restrict the movement of industrial workers, police personnel blocked the exit points in various industrial estates. It also launched a major drive and arrested 217 activists from various parts of the capital. Yet protests were staged at 27 different places. But each time the police moved in and forcibly dispersed the rasta-rokos, arresting 800 people. In the south region the police lobbed tear gas shell to disperse a big crowd of 600. The people retaliated with stones. Over 200 were arrested from this region.

In the aftermath of Delhi revolts, the ruling class parties exercises on the political front have feverishly increased. On the one hand, both the major representative parties were forced to oppose the Delhi Master Plan in the parliament and also used the Delhi Vidhan Sabha as a platform to pressurise the Central government. On the other hand, and in consonance with their representation to the central government, they have succeeded in diverting the movement into spineless protest forms. Nevertheless, the situation is difficult for the rulers. On the one hand, they want Delhi "clean" of "pollution" and protests, on the other, they want to preserve their hold over the affected people. With the Union Urban ministry now announcing a January 3 dead line for the closure of 39,000 units, the battle-lines are being sharpened. The ministry has threatened to cut off water and electricity to these units. The workers and small industrialists will have to brace themselves for the second round in a protracted battle.

The Delhi revolts have shown that when pushed to extremes people display marvelous capacity to resist their oppressors. When guided and led by a correct political perspective and leadership, they can become a formidable force.

II

Unprecedented Evictions in Mumbai

— by Rakesh

It was a declaration of war : the statement called for the mobilisation of armed SRP battalions, use of helicopters, and the assistance of a retired army officer to conduct operations. This was not a call to arms at any foreign intruder, but against the poverty stricken slum dwellers of Mumbai. The order was issued not by any military dictator, but was part of the order passed by the ‘democratic’ Bombay High Court in May 1997. The rest of the order called for the destruction of about 80,000 hutments, ration shops, schools and dispensaries. It further called for the cutting off of water supply and electricity. And it debarred buses and public transport from plying in the region.

The petitioners, ironically were an ‘environmental’ group and the executioners were the two successive state governments of Maharashtra — first the Shiv Sena-BJP combine, then the Congress(I)-NCP combine.

Barely were the orders issued, that the bulldozers came — crushing property, houses, schools, dispensaries, even human beings. Lathi-charge, tear gas and even firings were used to crush the resistance. Belongings and structures were burnt, some children and old women were mercilessly beaten and hundreds arrested. The ruthlessness of the actions, would make Sanjay Gandhi’s Emergency demolitions look mild. The brutality of the latest round of demolitions between April and August 2000, at the Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP) by the ruling Congress-NCP combine, was a fitting tribute to the late Sanjay Gandhi. So far 50,000 hutments have been cleared — i.e., about two-thirds of the total at the SGNP. The balance await eviction any day.

It has been one of the biggest demolition drives ever witnessed in this country.

The SGNP measures 103.1 sq.kms spreading across the western suburbs of Goregaon, Malad, Kandivili and Borivili. It also includes parts of Mulund and Thane in the east. Of this vast area a mere 1.9 sq.kms has been encroached upon by hutments. Another 5.8 sq. kms have been encroached upon by quarrying and agriculture. It was declared a National Park only in 1983, while a large number of the residents have been living there from much earlier. The area supposedly within the National Park, contains schools run by the Corporation, government rations shops, dispensaries and ‘pucca’ structures with amenities, like electricity, water, sanitation and telephone lines, provided by the authorities.

About 30% of the residents residing in the National Park are from more than 20 years; 40% are from between 20 to 10 years; and 30% are from 6 to 10 years. The bulk of the population comprise migrated labour (many from the Maharashtra hinterland) eking out a hand-to-mouth existence. Approximately 56% of the people were daily wage earners doing odd jobs for contractors; 21% were masons, carpenters, plumbers, tailors, drivers; 12% were in the service sector; 7% were domestic workers. Most of these people, not being in fixed jobs, earned a pittance, barely able to survive with Mumbai’s high cost of living. In fact 22% of the residents earned less than Rs. 1000 per month and another 50% earned between Rs. 1000 and Rs. 2000 per month.

It is these poor people who were targeted by the Bombay Environmental Action Group (BEAG) when they filed a writ petition in February 1995 for the removal of ‘encroachers’ within the National Park. They ignored the powerful quarry owners who have destroyed a larger area in the forests. They also turn a blind eye to the hosts of Godmen who have built their sprawling ashrams in the forests. Dargas and Babas have proliferated, with one Deepak Baba building his Darga over a four acre plot, just one year back.

In May 1997, the High Court issued its notorious ‘judgment’. It ordered the immediate demolition of all those residing there after January 1995, and gave the government 18 months to relocate the rest, before demolition of the entire 80,000 hutments. The government, courts and BEAG then conspired to play a trick and kick out the entire population of 4.5 lakhs without giving any alternative. For long the government claimed it could not find an alternative. Then it discovered a place 60 kms away, where the locals vehemently opposed this settlement, and where the nearest local railway station was 15 kms away. And to add insult to injury it demanded Rs. 10,000 per household for the rehabilitation on a plot 15 ft by 10 ft. The court magnanimously reduced this amount to Rs. 7,000 and ordered, in Hitlerian style: pay up before February 2000 or be demolished. Knowing that most would not be able to raise the money, and, more important, it would be impossible for them to earn and survive (most worked within the vicinity of the SGNP) in a far off desolated place — this was a mere scheme hatched by the protagonists to throw out the entire population without providing any alternative.

Surprisingly, it has now transpired, that the actual boundaries of the SGNP have not even been demarcated on the ground. With 50,000 hutments already demolished, the government has only now begun surveys to investigate what is the actual boundary of the park and which of the slums were actually a part of it, and which were not. The biased Judges did not so much as ascertain which slums were infact placed on the SGNP and which were not. Blinded by their frenzy for cleansing the city of the poor, they ordered military-style operations without even determining this basic fact.

A few days after the May 1997 High Court order, the BMC (Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation) demolished the Pimpripada slum at Malad, though there were several pending cases whether it was on forest land at all. The BMC bulldozed 200 hutments and burnt down 500 more.

In October ’97 the Forest Department struck and demolished 700 huts in the neighbouring hill slopes of Matangarh. During the demolition no distinction was made between pre-1995 hutments and post-1995 hutments. In November it again demolished a cluster of 110 huts which were clearly of the pre-1995 type.

Inspite of a stay order, the Forest Department continued its drive and within the month demolished 2000 more huts in four different areas, most of which belonged to the pre-1995 period. It also demolished the muslim colony, Azad Nagar, comprising 500 families .... victims of the 1992-93 anti-muslim pogrom. These had, in fact been resettled by the government. All these demolitions took place with excessive brutality, where people were lathi-charged, women dragged out of their houses and beaten and over 60 people arrested.

In the first week of December ’97 the Forest Department turned their wrath on the bastis of the Kandivili division. But here they faced stiff resistance, specifically from the residents of Gautam Nagar. Pitched battles ensued, with the police resorting to a lathi-charge and lobbing tear gas shells. Over 100 people were hospitalised with injuries and scores arrested. Not having succeeded, the demolition mafia returned in end December. Once again fierce clashes took place with 30 injured and 40 arrested. The following day the police and demolition squads returned together with a huge force of the armed SRP (State Reserve Police). They went on a rampage, beating anyone who crossed their path, including women and children. 600 hutments were razed to the ground, most of whom had evidence of their existence before January ’95.

With this, the first phase of the demolitions ended. Due to a widespread public outcry against the demolitions and against the brutality witnessed at Gautam Nagar, the Shiv Sena/BJP government announced the suspension of demolition operations. Besides, with elections around the corner, votes became important; and also the police force was required for election duty and had to be withdrawn.

At about this time two alternative proposals came up, with the aim of getting the people’s votes. The government suggested the relocation on a 30 acre plot of MHADA in the nearby Malwani area. A process was even begun of marking out the plots. But this was stopped by a court order. The BEAG filed a case to stop the process, stating that it would result in the violation of CRZ (Coastal Regulation Zone) regulations.

Then a demand arose that people be re-located in the vicinity of SGNP itself along the periphery, in the vast areas that were lying waste due to quarrying. This was suggested not only by an organisation working for the slum dwellers, the Nivara Hakk Suraksha Samiti (NHSS), but also by one D.J. Joseph, the then Chief Executive Officer of the Slum Rehabilitation Authority. This was once again vehemently opposed by the BEAG who once again managed the court to reject this practical solution.

Meanwhile, the forest department arbitrarily manipulated the number of residents of the SGNP reducing it from 80,000 to 33,000. Despite protests, this figure was accepted by the High Court. Thereby, 47,000 households disappeared from the very records itself.

At the end of this first phase the forest department boasted that 15,000 huts had been demolished and 70 acres of land recovered. This included the Chandrabhaga Vidya Mandir school which had classes upto the 10th standard and 1,400 students.

All these demolitions took place without any alternative site being provided. The court was indifferent to the violation of its own orders. And when the alternative site was provided, barely 450 slum dwellers had paid the Rs. 7000 by the final date of February 2000. The court then extended the date to March 21, with the provision that those who do not pay up will be evicted forthwith.

Initially there was some resistance. A large rally was held on April 23, convened by the NHSS and addressed by some big leaders. On April 25 the people squatted in front of the bulldozers. On April 26 there was heavy resistance with spontaneous stone throwing. There was a lathi charge and the arrest of 40 people including NHSS leaders and a local MLA. The BEAG again raised the issue in the High Court claiming that not sufficient police was being provided. The High Court ordered reinforcements and banned the assembly and holding of rallies within a 1 km radius of the Park.

By the first week of June the Forest Department declared that 49,000 structures had been cleared. The drive, supported by the Bombay High Court, continued with brutal precision, with around one thousand houses being smashed everyday by bulldozers. Within this two month period four schools catering to over 20,000 children were removed.

The initial resistance — with people squatting in front of the bulldozers and throwing stones — was brutally crushed by huge contingents of police, resorting to lath-charges, tear-gas and massive arrests. After the demolitions, the forest officials had set up gangs of casual workers who had been assigned the task to drive people out and to burn and destroy their belongings. Following each day of demolitions, the residents said the sky would be filled with a haze of smoke, as building material and belongings of the people would be thrown into the pyres dotting the National Park hillsides. In their enthusiasm to ensure that people did not return to the old sites, the gangs were ordered to hound and beat people after the demolition was over — even looting their belongings.

Mopping up operations continued throughout July and August, though the government announced a suspension of operations during the monsoon. The most brutal action was carried out at Bhimnagar on July 23/24, which had been demolished in April. Though the majority had paid the Rs. 7000 after the demolition, no alternative site was given. So people squatted in the area with temporary structures. Yet the Forest Department came, accompanied by a company size police force. There was stiff resistance. Though the police resorted to the use of tear-gas and firing in the air, they had to beat a retreat. But next day they returned in military formation, assisted by an armed battalion of the SRP. First the SRP quietly cordoned off the entire slum, encircling it. Then the police, forest officials and lumpens went on a rampage. The brutality was unprecedented. At least two were killed, scores injured and even old women and children received lathi blows. Simultaneously, the demolition squads along with the bulldozers pushed the people’s household goods and building material into neat moulds and set them on fire. The burning and beating continued the whole day. At the end 45 were arrested and at least 12 people were seriously injured with broken limbs. The brazenness of the authorities could be understood from the fact that on August 5, a third round of devastation took place at Bhimnagar in full view of the IPHRC members who were there conducting their inquiry. Though the justices(retd.) conducting the tribunal protested, they were ignored, with goons carrying cans of kerosine setting fire to broken houses and personal objects.

In these operations at least 5 people have been killed, hundreds seriously wounded and hundreds arrested. Besides, these poverty stricken people, have lost lakhs of rupees, with their personal possessions and housing structures being demolished by bulldozers and burnt. The 5000 people who paid the Rs. 7000 have not been given any alternative site. Lakhs of people have been driven to the wall — their houses destroyed; their property crushed, burnt or looted; and they are being continuously hounded by the police, forest department and goons. And all this is done in the name of ‘environmental protection’ ..... protecting the forests !!

In this rapacious system where the entire forest coverage has been denuded by the contractors, ministers and mafia in league with the forest department, half a million people are being inhumanly and ruthlessly evicted for a mere 1.9 sq. kms of land. Vast tracts of forest land all over the country are lying bare or replaced by destructive mono-cultivation. The BAEG and their ilk cannot think of afforestation in these vast tracts, but concentrate their efforts on evicting the poor. It is a gigantic hoax being perpetrated in the name of environmentalism. Bombay is to be cleaned up for the elite and the foreign marauders. That, and not environment protection, is the essence of their campaign. Today, the slum dwellers have been defeated for lack of organisation. But tomorrow, they will fight back — not with stones, but with weapons far more effective; not by squatting before bulldozers, but smashing the heads of those who drive them. There is a limit to people’s tolerance.

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