Carrying out the
socialist revolution in the super structure, the sphere of ideology included, is
a basic task of our Party on the ideological-political front. Twenty-odd years
of class struggle and the struggle between the two lines since the founding of
New China have shown this to be an important historical experience.
Contradictions Between Relations of
Production And Productive Forces and Between Superstructure and Economic Base
After the great
victory in the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of
production in China, Chairman Mao, criticizing the revisionist theory of "the
dying out of class struggle" and the metaphysical negation of the existence of
contradictions in socialist society, pointed out incisively: "The basic
contradictions in socialist society are still those between the relations
of production and the productive forces and between the superstructure and the
economic base." "Apart from harmony as well as contradiction between the
relations of production and the developing productive forces, there is harmony
as well as contradiction between the superstructure and the economic base."
(On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.)
Under socialism, such
basic contradictions continue to take the form of class contradictions, the
concentrated expressions of which are the contradiction and struggle
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and the struggle between the
socialist and the capitalist roads. Naturally, in socialist society, the
contradictions between the relations of production and the productive forces and
between the superstructure and the economic base differ essentially from those
in the old society. Socialist relations of production are in harmony with the
development of the productive forces, and the socialist system spurs the rapid
growth of the country’s productive forces, demonstrating its tremendous
superiority. Nevertheless, at this stage these relations are not flawless and
their imperfections impede to some extent the development of the productive
forces.
The state system and
laws of China’s proletarian dictatorship are powerful instruments for
establishing, safeguarding and developing the socialist economic base. The
socialist ideology with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as the guide, while
reflecting the needs of the socialist economic base, acts as a great propelling
force in the consolidation and development of the socialist economic base.
However, bourgeois ideology and certain unhealthy practices in the state
organizations as well as defects in some links of the state machinery are in
contradiction with the socialist economic base. It is for this reason that the
proletariat must continue the revolution, gradually transform production
relations to suit and promote the development of the productive forces, and
actively transform the superstructure to suit it to the economic base and
promote its development. Only thus can the cause of socialism be carried
forward.
The bourgeoisie and
its representatives, on the other hand, want to perpetuate the bourgeois
ideological system of oppressing and exploiting the proletariat and the
capitalist social system, and they leave no stone unturned to oppose all reforms
in the superstructure Their vain hope is to undermine the socialist economic
base, subvert the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism. Such a course
of contradiction and struggle will last throughout the entire socialist
historical period.
Revolution in the Superstructure
Since Liberation
Proceeding from the
law of the unity of opposites which is a basic law of the universe and basing
himself on the historical experience of the proletarian dictatorship, Chairman
Mao formulated the basic theory and line in the socialist period for our Party
and led it in making one revolution after another in the superstructure,
including the ideological sphere.
The Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize revisionism and rectify the
style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao, are the continuation of the
struggle between the two classes, two roads and two lines following the birth of
the People’s Republic. These great revolutionary struggles have demolished the
bourgeois headquarters headed by Liu Shao-chi and crushed the plots of political
swindlers like Liu Shao-chi who tried to change the Party’s basic line and
policies and restore capitalism. It has cleaned up, in depth and breadth as
never before, the mire left by the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes in
the superstructure, including the ideological sphere, and brought the
revisionist line and ideology under heavy fire. All this has been a powerful
impetus to the consolidation and development of China’s socialist economic base
and a source of strength to firm up the socialist system of the proletarian
dictatorship. It has given our socialist motherland new vigour and prosperity.
However, some of the
tasks of struggle-criticism-transformation in the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution remain to be completed. The basic contradictions between the
productive forces and the relations of production and between the superstructure
and the economic base still exist, and class struggle has not ended. The
bourgeoisie will never be reconciled to their defeat. After the upsurge of each
revolutionary movement, as historical experience shows, the bourgeoisie always
try to recover lost ground, turning to new forms of struggle in the new
situation. At the same time, as pointed out by Chairman Mao: "New things
always have to overcome difficulties and setbacks as they grow." (On the
Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.) This is the case with
reforms in education, literature and art, with the work concerning educated
youths going to the countryside, with running "May 7" cadre schools and
with the co-operative medical system and "barefoot doctors." When old
contradictions are resolved, new contradictions arise. If we rest on our
laurels, oblivious of the need to carry on the revolution and to repulse the
bourgeoisie’s attempts to put the clock back and their other subversive
activities, if we do not solve in time, in accordance with the Party’s line and
policies, the contradictions facing us in our way ahead, the fruits of our
victory may be vitiated, undermined, or lost again. In order to carry the
socialist revolution in the superstructure through to the end, we must
conscientiously sum up our experience in struggle and consolidate and expand our
victories as we march forward.
The Key Is to Grasp the Party line
To grasp the
superstructure, the key is to take firm hold of the line, which is itself part
of the realm of ideology in the superstructure. Being the concentrated
expression of the interests, demands and world outlook of a definite class and
the guide to all action, the line is therefore a fundamental question bearing on
the entire situation. Chairman Mao teaches us: "The correctness or
incorrectness of the ideological and political line decides everything." He
expounds the interaction of the superstructure on the economic base and
penetratingly sums up class struggle in the superstructure as being in the last
analysis, a matter of what ideological and political line to be followed. If the
ideological and political line is correct, that which makes up the
superstructure will adhere to the correct orientation to constantly perfect
itself and play a full part in protecting and promoting the socialist economic
base. But if the line is wrong, the superstructure will lose its bearings; it
will not be able to serve the socialist economic base but will obstruct and
undermine it.
We must take the
Party’s basic line as our guide in pushing the socialist revolution in the
superstructure and changing all parts of the superstructure unsuited to the
socialist economic base. "A line or a viewpoint must be explained constantly
and repeatedly. It won’t do to explain them only to a few people; they must be
made known to the broad revolutionary masses."
Not only the leading
cadres but also rank and file Party members and the revolutionary masses should
pay attention to the Party’s basic line. Some conirades, on the excuse that
their level is low, regard grasping the superstructure and the line as the
exclusive business of the leading cadres. This way of looking at things is
incorrect. A low level needs all the more to pay attention to the superstructure
and the Party line. Knowledge comes from practice. One’s level of consciousness
in line can be gradually raised only through the practice of concerning oneself
with the revolution in the superstructure.
Some comrades pay
little attention to or are not adept at availing themselves of the
superstructure and the Party line to stimulate production. Subjectively they
want to quicken the pace of production and construction, but often they fail to
obtain the desired results and sometimes even lose their bearings and go astray.
Take a firm hold of the revolution in the superstructure, and a great spurt in
production and construction will follow on the heels of its victory. One
powerful proof is the flourishing Big Leap situation of 1958, which came in the
wake of the great victory of the socialist revolution on the political and
ideological fronts in 1957. The resounding victory of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticize revisionism and rectify the
style of work will no doubt continue to give a big push to our cause of
socialist construction in everv respect.
This likewise is true
of individual units. Where the revolution is grasped well and the Party line and
policies are thoroughly implemented, with the contradictions between the enemy
and ourselves and contradictions among the people correctly handled, the
socialist consciousness of the masses raised and all positive factors brought
into full play, it follows that production will develop at full speed. "Grasp
revolution, promote production" has become the personal experience of many
comrades. (To be continued)
Peking Review No. 34, August 24, 1973
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