CPN(M) - Worker #10

The Worker, #10, May 2006
Guest Article


MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM: HOW WE ACCEPT IT
AND HOW DO WE NOT ACCEPT IT


Md. Shahin

[Adopted and circulated by the Supreme Leading Committee of the Maoist Bolshevik Reorganization Movement of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal (PBSP). October 2OO4 -Ed.]

How we accept Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and how do we not accept it is very much related to our ideological line question. It has got a very long process of its build up and development; it took many twists and turns and to and fro processes in its build up and development and it is moving ahead towards incremental completion.

The process of the build up and development of our ideological line is directly related to the uneven historical development of the process of international communist movement. And it is especially related to the twists and turns and to and fro history of emergence and development of our party within the process of twists and turns in the communist movement of our country.

It is very much clear that the formulated line position of our ideology today is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In the past it was Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. In the third national congress of our party in 1992 Mao Tse-tung Thought was formulated as Maoism. But, in the question of ideological line, the way we understanding today is very much different from the past. This we achieved through the quite lengthy process of experience of our party, especially through the process of the recent intense two line struggle. Of course, the international communist movement has played a cooperative decisive role in achieving our today's understanding in the ideological line question.

We now consider Maoism as the synthesized, latest and highest developed form of Marxism-Leninism. In the present world context nobody can adopt Marxism-Leninism without adopting Maoism; and we also believe that nobody can become a communist without adopting Maoism today. In view of the correctness of the essence we are in favor of formulating our ideological line as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, especially Maoism. And this is in line with the teachings and further developed form of our party's founder leader martyred Comrade Siraj Sikder. That is, as per our today's understanding on the ideological line question, that to adopt Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is especially to adopt Maoism; and adopting Maoism means taking it as the real guiding base for the thinking and practice of ourselves.

It means to us, whatever is in line with Maoism we have to adopt it, and whatever is not in line with Maoism we have to reject it. That is, we believe that in reviewing the previous and new events, and in evaluating and taking decisions on those events, we have to take into consideration with priority the specific teachings of Maoism on those events. To utter Maoism and to go against the teachings of Maoism is never considered by us as adopting Maoism. To utter Maoism and to start from the narrow experiences of own and to keep confined within themselves is also not considered by us as adopting Maoism.

In the class-divided society adopting Maoism isolated from the revolutionary class struggle is Maoism without its effectiveness, which is turned up-side down, which is revisionism to us. Maoism is the principle of proletarian revolution. Its main form is violence. That is Maoism is the principle of proletarian violent revolution, i.e. proletarian armed revolution. If Maoism is not adopted in this way it becomes revisionism. There can not be any revolution without seizing the state power, destroying it and establishing the new state power; without relating with this question no program can be a revolutionary program. And the seizure of the state power under the leadership of the proletariat, destroying it and establishing the new state power becomes possible mainly with the politics of people's war. That means, we believe, there is no existence of any Maoism without the politics of people's war. That is, the claim of 'Maoism minus people's war' is mere cheating in the name of Maoism. Adhering always to the policy of taking class struggle as the key is the life and soul of the Maoist politics. In the context of imperialist world system the politics of eradicating imperialism to establish socialism and communism is the politics of Maoism. In the imperialist suppressed semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries like us the concrete form of this politics is the revolutionary politics of New Democracy. There are two aspects of the New Democratic Revolution; one is national aspect and the other is democratic aspect.

In our country the New Democratic Revolutionary politics means to eradicate the imperialism under the leadership of US, Indian expansionism, bureaucrat capitalism and feudalism, and to establish the state power of workers-peasants-middle class-national bourgeoisie under the leadership of proletariat depending on the fundamental basis of workers-peasants alliance; to establish the New Democratic economics, the New Democratic politics and the New Democratic culture, which are directed towards socialism and communism. We believe, the essence of the Maoist New Democratic Revolutionary politics is the Democratic Revolution; the principal aspect of which is agrarian revolution and its central point is land revolution, and that could be implemented through the strategy of protracted people's war depending mainly on the farmers in the rural areas under the leadership of the proletariat; the practicable form of which in the strategic defensive stage today is the guerilla war.

Maoism is a science. This is a science of undivided and totalitarian nature. And philosophy is the life and soul of it. This is known as Historical Dialectic Materialism. The central point of this philosophy is dialectics. The basic point of it is the rule of unity of opposites and the rule of one divides into two. When this is not accepted and implemented, actually Maoism is not accepted as a science. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as a proletarian science. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the principle of proletarian violent revolution. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the guiding thought of the revolutionary class struggle and its today's highest form the politics of people's war. We are in favor of accepting Maoism as the beacon light. We are in favor of live, effective, dynamic and developing Maoism. And whoever accepts Maoism in this manner we consider them as Maoist, and we are in favor of absolutely unwavering one-centered unity with them.

Certainly Maoism is invincible and Maoist people's war is certainly invincible. This is our starting point, essence and final word of our ideological present line. And we are in favor of looking at and summing up our past, present and future on this basis.

"In class society everyone lives as a member of a particular class, and every kind of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class." —Mao Tse-tung, On Practice, SW, Vol. 1.

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