CPN(M) - Worker #10
The Worker, #10, May 2006
Article
OUR EXPERIENCES OF TEN TUMULTUOUS YEARS OF PEOPLE'S WARAshok
On February 13, 1996, in the last decade of the 20th century, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the vanguard of the proletariat, the most advanced class in history (forward-looking group of the class that has moved ahead of all in history), declared a total war against all types of exploitation, suppression and injustice meted out to humans by humans. The declaration of People's War was limited to and centered not only on obliterating Nepal's tyrannical feudal monarchical parliamentary system and establishing a new people's democratic system in its place, but in fact it was an integral part of international communist movement. It is consciously cruising ahead by developing Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Prachanda Path through class struggle and ideological struggle and by tearing apart hostile conditions and counter-revolutions that surfaced in the International Communist Movement. It has now become a roar of spring thunder, centre of hope, encouragement and source of inspiration for the international proletariat. Pasting the historical posters of the declaration of People's War on public walls, the People's War that began with attacks on some police posts in Rolpa, Rukum and Sindhuli districts even in adverse situation with only few people's militia, party activists and the people who though had no experience of war but had unlimited revolutionary enthusiasm and courage and who fought with nothing other than home made guns, agricultural tools like sickle, axe, spade, scissors, khukuri that farmers use in everyday life as well as canes, is now militarily moving towards its final victory through several historical bends and leaping from the phase of strategic defense and balance to that of strategic offensive. With 80 per cent of the country under its control and politically exercising new state power, it is preparing for the funeral of the old feudal central regime. That the People's War, which began by raising the revolutionary flag of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism standing on the firm class basis of proper modus operandi, resolute unity, unlimited enthusiasm, dedication and revolutionary fidelity, has achieved victory one after the other and has been able to reach the summit of success in a short period of time, has already been registered in history. It has become a revolutionary task to express commitment and vow for new initiation of a decisive war and to face undeterred all types of challenges seen in the path of defense and development of the hitherto achievements by upholding the great achievements of the ten years of People's War and by making an overall analysis of it.
In this course, thousands of sons and daughters of Nepal, setting high records of courage, sacrifice, bravery in the international proletariat revolution, have willingly sacrificed their lives for the liberation of the proletariat and socialist goal. Expressing our deep-felt revolutionary condolence towards our immortal martyrs in the ten years of People's War, we consider it our revolutionary responsibility to move ahead with determination along the path shown by our immortal martyrs in order to fulfill their dreams. The support, cooperation and warm love received during the ten years of People's War from the international brotherhood, RIM and the entire revolutionary people of the world have significantly contributed to the development of the People's War. Even though the historical Second Convention seriously acknowledged its relevance, we feel it our revolutionary duty to highly honor and appreciate it in the present context of the tenth year of the People's War.
On the initiation of the People's War, the CPN (Maoist), declaring it before the international proletariat, had committed itself to two things—first, to dedicate the People's War to international proletariat movement as it is an integral part of the international revolution, and secondly, to develop RIM internationally into an International of a new type by protecting, utilizing and developing the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. We would like to reiterate that that we are determined and committed to our avowal and that we are continuously moving ahead for the achievement of our goal. It is worth recalling that new experience and ideas have developed in the course of the development of Nepalese People's War along with the birth and development of a new state power of the proletariat. Therefore, evaluating the pros and cons of the ten years of People's War, we consider it our historical responsibility to preserve and promote positive as well as negative experiences testified in the furnace of class struggle and ideological struggle as assets of international proletariat revolution.
The development of ten years of People's War has brought about qualitative transformation and change in Nepali society in economic, social, political and cultural terms. It has destroyed all types of old economic, social, political and cultural relations and values. Nepali society in rural areas has got rid of feudal suppression and exploitation. Though Nepal is economically impoverished, it is rich and rising very high in terms of ideology and political consciousness. The country has risen above social superstition, conservative orthodoxy, communal parochialism and religious blindness. This is a matter of pride for us. In comparison to the so-called 'developed' nations, Nepali society has radically moved away from social discrimination, untouchability, suppression of women and parochialism. Collective farming, cooperatives, operation of small and cottage industries and modem agriculture system is laying its own economic foundation. The development of development infrastructure like roads, bridges, small hydropower projects and irrigation and people-oriented public education have indicated development in the new regime. It is necessary to disseminate and establish the qualitative changes brought about by the People's War in Nepali society as an ideal among the international proletariat. We consider it our duty to take initiatives and make attempts to establish the phenomenon of social revolution, political transformation and development of ideology during the course of ten years of people's war among the international proletariat. We think that while analyzing huge military and political successes and failures, sociological analysis of their effects on social transformation and psychology are equally significant.
The imperialist and all other types of reactionary elements of the world have been terrified and threatened by the exercise of new state power in Nepal, by the social transformation and class consciousness of the people. The rapid development of the People's War prospering on this very ground of people's political consciousness and class commitment has created enough upheaval and agitation in the internal conflicts existing in Nepali society. The American imperialism has been affected, terrorized and excited by this and has been monitoring every activity from the closest quarters. All socialist revolutions in the world, new people's revolution, national liberation movement or people's revolution for justice, while being directed against and centred on the alliance of domestic reactionary rulers, collide head on against international imperialism and most particularly American imperialism. The revolution of the proletariat class is against the reactionary rulers. These reactionary rulers are the sincere servants of imperialism who have been ensnared in the net of global tactics of imperialistic suppression like privatization, liberalization and globalized state mechanism that has been laid to maintain imperialistic exploitation and monopoly over global natural resources, human resources and intellectual heritage. Hence, since the revolution of the proletariat class directly affects the interests of their imperialist master the American imperialism, people's liberation movements in today's world, operated within the geographical boundary of whatever country, is bound to take international characteristics. Therefore, the struggle against the alliance of domestic reactionary rulers automatically gets directed against the international imperialism, especially the American imperialism. For this reason, since the American imperialism is the dangerous enemy of people's justice, liberation, independence and civilization, it has become imperative to have international unity and solidarity on the basis of the universal principle of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism for the declaration of international revolution against it. Our party is clear: "The great historical responsibility to courageously prepare itself for the leadership of that international revolution on the basis of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has come onto the shoulder of the international proletariat class. There can be no other better military strategy than People's War to defeat the imperialism." 1
On the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, polarization and unity among all true revolutionary forces spread across the globe is essential for brutal and decisive war against the imperialistic forces standing on the opposite pole of the international communist movement. "In today's world where victory of a revolution of a particular country has become impossible without collective efforts of international proletariat class in the war against imperialism, the Party needs to take more initiatives in order to revitalize and revolutionize the relations among all proletariat revolutionaries of the world through RIM. The party has to give first priority to giving organized and revolutionary form to the relations of international proletariat class." 2 Communist Party of Nepai (Maoist) has very seriously accepted its significance and essence and continues to take initiatives for this.
In the context of opposing the U.S. imperialism in the International Communist Movement, two extremist tendencies surface on various occasions. First is the national defeatist perspective that considers the imperialistic forces to be too powerful and avoids or backs from revolution saying that an immediate revolution against it is not possible. Second is the wrongheaded perspective that does not count such forces as anything saying that 'imperialism is a paper tiger'. The machination, parochialism and orthodoxy that surface out in the context of skillfully utilizing the inter-imperialistic conflicts and the internal conflicts between the imperialism and the capitalist countries of the Third World have also had much impacts. It is essential to lead the movement against imperialism between these two extremisms. For this, ideological weapons have a decisive significance. Our Party has been giving stress on first whetting powerful weapons of ideology against international imperialism on the basis of the old adage—"To hunt a jackal, the logistics of killing a tiger is required." The extended meeting of our Party's Central Committee held last September concluded that the development and protection of the international proletariat revolution is not possible until and unless imperialism is defeated.
In "The Planning of the Historical Initiatives of People's War" that was passed in September 1995 by the Central Committee of our Party, it has been declared that the People's War operated by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is not only the means to decide Nepali people's liberation, fortune and future but also an integral part of the International Communist Movement based on the principle of proletariat internationalism. The document says, "Our plan is based on the principle of proletariat internationalism. Since the people's war in Nepal is an integral part of international proletariat revolution, it serves the international revolution. In this context, our party together with Revolutionary International Movement (RIM), in which our party is involved, has moved forward to create a new international alliance along the guidelines set by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism". 3 Therefore, the People's War that started in the land of Mt. Everest is not centred and limited within the national boundary and a narrow circumference but has occupied a wide arena of international proletariat revolution. It is clear from this declaration and commitment made in the context of the initiation of the people's war that the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) with a deep sense of responsibility has long been giving importance to unity and development of International Communist Movement.
The globalised imperialist international system has further internationalized the proletariat revolution. The Nepalese People's War has become a global People's War by disrupting the national borders and barriers. Therefore, it should be realized that the responsibility of protecting and developing it has come onto the shoulder of the international proletariat class. We have experiences before us that even one country can become successful in proletariat socialist revolution. But the experiences of international revolutions have also taught us that it is not possible to stop a counter revolution singly. The proletariat revolution can't be confined and narrowed within geographical boundaries. Therefore, the question of realizing the essence of proletariat internationalism holds great significance. With this essence, our Party has put forth the proposal of the "Development of People's Democracy in the 21 st century" for open discussion. This can be an important ideological weapon to contain counter-revolution.
Since South Asia is gradually becoming a tempestuous centre of war and the internal conflicts of the people in this region are getting sharper, our Party has been giving special importance to the activities in this region. The decision of 'South Asian Soviet Federation' in the Second National Convention justifies that. On the basis of the spirit of the second convention, some important initiatives have been taken by our party. Our Party played an important role in the formation of CCOMPOSA, the coordination committee of the truly revolutionary Maoist parties and organizations within and outside RIM in South Asia while it also undertook the international proletarian responsibility of creating a conducive atmosphere for unity among the parties who have long been fighting people's war in India raising the flag of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It has reinforced relations and cooperation among the Maoist parties and organization in Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka by identifying the internal conflicts in the region and maintaining a similar perspective against a common enemy.
Following the death of Mao and counter-revolution in China, the International Communist Movement had ideologically become leaderless for some time. It was like going against the tide to raise the flag of Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution by exposing the illusion and opposition created by traitor Teng who in the name of supporting Mao's ideology opposed Mao's universal principles and Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Also there were forces supporting Teng's revisionist bloc and the opportunist rightists across the globe who practiced politics with the backing of Teng regime. CPN (Maoist) had come to a historical conclusion that there had been counter-revolution in China in 1980. Since 1980, truly Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolutionary parties and organizations, conducting a fierce two-line struggle against Teng and modern revisionists who followed him, had taken initiatives for international revolutionary unity through a joint statement, and RIM was constituted through an international convention in 1984. Our party took active initiatives and participated in order to make the convention a success.
CPN (Maoist) is a founding member of RIM and since then, it has been fulfilling its international responsibility with importance. The second convention of RIM concluded on 26 December 1993 with the global declaration of 'Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.' Since then, 'Maoism' has become a common international ideological shelter for communist revolutionaries. The People's War in Peru that moved ahead against the tide and against the attacks on the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and people's liberation movement by modem revisionists, all types of rightist opportunists and all types of reactionaries and imperialists in the world, helped preserve the movement of the proletariat class from the serious crisis of ideological aberration seen in the International Communist Movement during that time. Even though the International Communist Movement got another jolt after the arrest of Comrade Gonzalo in the 1990s, the world's revolutionaries who had assembled under the flag of RIM protected Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In this context, the declaration of People's War by CPN (Maoist) addressing the international proletariat class has completed ten years. In this period of ten years, there have been enormous changes in the national and international situations.
Since Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a progressive science, the people's war calls for ideology and leadership that is capable to complete a new People's War in the 21st century. Our Party's Central Committee's Extended Meeting last September held that the ideologies of Lenin and Mao have become old and inadequate to lead the present international revolution. The political and organizational report passed by the meeting says, "The proletariat revolutionaries of the 21 st century need to pay their serious attention towards that fact that in today's ground reality, Lenin and Mao's analysis of imperialism and various notions relating to proletariat strategies based on it have lagged behind." 4 As Marxism was born in an age of competitive capitalism, the strategies and working policy formulated during the times of Marx had become old when they arrived at Lenin's times of imperialism and proletariat revolution. Similarly, the ideologies developed Lenin and Mao's at the initial phase of international imperialism and proletariat revolution have become inadequate and lagged behind at the-present imperialistic phase. Therefore, "the main issue is to develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the 21 st century and to determine a new proletariat strategy. Without focusing attention on this issue, the challenges of today's international revolutions cannot be faced." 5
However, machination, orthodoxy and parochialism appear in the course of development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism within the International Communist Movement. The document further says, "After the death of Comrade Mao Tsetung and the establishment of capitalism even in China, the international communist movement became a victim of chiefly the rightist revisionism of various forms on the one hand and on the other hand, mechanistic orthodoxy that always parroted the same old stuff and experience by idealizing it. Even at the present moment, an overall development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is necessary by fighting against such tendencies in the International Communist Movement. It is clear that it is possible only through the use of the scientific weapon of dialectical materialism. It should be deeply realized that dialectical materialism is a means to continuously develop the ideology of proletariat class against the capitalistic pluralism and orthodox revisionism." 6
Development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism means understanding Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as dynamic and developing science and skillfully wielding it as a science of revolution in practice. Therefore, the development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the principle of class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat and continuous revolution. Class struggle enriches class consciousness and class unity. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism developed through class struggle. Marxism developed through the linkage of February revolt, the labor revolt, Colon revolt and Paris Commune and the fierce struggles against the wrong ideologies of various types of opportunists in the International Communist Movement, the first ideological struggle against all types of international opportunists and the success and failures of the Paris Commune. The October Revolution and Leninism developed through the ideological struggles against Bakunin, Trotsky and Khrushchev in course of the massive class struggle against Russian Tsars. Maoism was born and developed in the context of the use and development of Marxism and Leninism in Chinese society. There is dialectical relationship between class struggle and two-line struggle. On several occasions, the two-line struggle separated from the class struggle becomes something like blind men groping an elephant. The forms of class struggle can be different in relativity of internal conflicts. But hitherto communist movement shows that the concept of developing ideology without class struggle is not possible.
The experiences of the exercise of the proletariat's dictatorship and counter revolutions in Russia and China call for their serious studies and development in the 21st century. The nightmarish history of Soviet Communist Party (Bolshevik) in 1936-37 shows that absolutism might prevail in the course of exercise of proletariat's dictatorship. Determination of the relations among the Party, army and the state in a concrete manner, guarantee of people's rights to rebel, development of the Marxist principle of the dissolution of power and scientific end to the condition of counter-revolution through power can truly be the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The proletariat accomplishes revolution and establishes a class rule but the state stages a counter revolution and the proletariat's dictatorship falls. This is what the experiences of Russia and China tell us. "The bitter truth of history is that people brought about revolution and established a class rule, the state staged a counter-revolution and destroyed the rule of the proletariat. Analyzing the experiences emerging from these revolutions and counter-revolutions of history, Prachanda Path evolved out of the experiences of class struggle and ideological struggle, with national and international situations, with our experiences of equipping the people who accomplish revolution with weapons to contain counter-revolutions as well as the development of the people's war. New personalities and new ideas are developing to lead the revolution in the 21 st century. The people who carry out revolution are being equipped with an ideological weapon of 'Development of People's Democracy in the 21st Century' to contain counter revolution. There is counter revolution hidden within revolution, there is bad hidden within good, one is divided into two. This is universal truth of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Therefore, continuous revolution is imperative. New experiments are being carried out, new ideas and new researches are being developed in order to ensure people's right to revolt." 7
The latest key to the principle of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the stress on continuous revolution. In the latest phase, of all the laws of dialectics, Mao gave stress on unity and struggle of the opposites. Unity and struggle of the opposites gradually transform thereafter. Transformation does not mean dissolution within each other but change. Prohibition of alien element that does not change becomes imperative. Massive ideological struggle not only prohibits wrong ideas but also provides an adequate opportunity to transform into each other. Our latest experience has justified that transformation is likely after massive ideological struggle. There are plenty of experiences that the consequence of two-line struggle within the International Communist Movement has been prohibition rather than transformation. CPN (Maoist) is moving ahead with various experiences of split, unity, struggle and transformation. We believe in the principle of division of one into two and are conscious and honest to the fact that our transformation is possible only after uncompromising struggle against alien tendencies within ourselves. Since all alien thoughts emerge out of the cognition of fundamental principle and source of the tendency, the more we fight against it and rise up, the more dialectical materialistic we become. To become a dialectical materialistic is as difficult as it is easy to become a cognizant.
In the course of brutal class struggle against old regime, in every era the birth of a conscious and forward-looking idea and force is imperative and force itself represents that era. Development of the new is not possible by continuity of the old. Developing a representative idea of the modern era from the ground of the experiences of success and failure of all struggles from Paris Commune to People's War in Peru is the demand of the age. It is our duty to preserve and promote the experiences and ideas testified in the furnace of ten years of tumultuous People's War, class struggle and ideological struggle. On the basis of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principle that war develops from war, our experience, procedure and ideas achieved in course of skillfully applying and developing military and political strategies and working policies to identify and practically implement interclass conflict on the basis of real and emotive situations are gradually developing. The experiences achieved in course of power exercise have justified that the danger of counter revolution comes from the authority itself. Therefore, the proposal of development of people's democracy in the 21 st century by determining the relations among the Party, army and state has been forwarded for public discussion. Leadership with new ideas giving stress on the principle of proletariat internationalism in order to fight against imperialism in the 21 st century and the realization of a necessity to create a new communist manifesto of the 21st century are our experiences in the development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Notes
1 From 'Present Situation and our Historical Undertaking' passed by Central Committee meeting in June 2003.
2 Ibid.
3 Some Important Documents of CPN (Maoist), page 25.
4 From the proposal passed by Central Committee's meeting in September 2005.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
7 From the Introduction to 'In the Journey of Ganga Kavery Express - 2'.
"Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transition of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat."
—Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme