[From The Worker, #7, January 2002.]
NATIONALROYAL MASSACRE AND THE POLITICAL CRISIS
Today, even while one is entering the 21st century, a medieval-styled massacre involving the entire royal family of king Birendra, has occurred in the Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal on June 1, 2001. In an era of imperialism and expansionism where medieval monarchy can only exist with the blessing of these forces, some streak of liberalism and patriotism on the part of the late king Birendra in dealing against the class-conscious Maoist People's War proved to be suicidal for him and his whole family. To sharpen the instrument of suppression the feudal hard-liner forces represented by Gyanendra, the younger brother of the late king Birendra, and the comprador bourgeois class represented by Girija, the then Prime minister under the backing of American imperialism and Indian expansionism, conspired to murder the whole family so as to pave way for Gyanendra, who was in favour of suppressing the People's War.
The ruling class thought they could hoodwink the people with the support of domestic feudal forces and the imperialist and expansionist forces with their concocted story of 'love affair' theory behind the palace murder. However, CPN (Maoist) under the leadership of Chairman Prachanda issued timely statements and articles exposing the nexus between Gyanendra and the imperialist, expansionist forces. This analysis proved to be all the more correct when an article "The New Kot Parva (massacre) must not be legitimised" written by Com. Baburam Bhattarai was printed in one of the mainstream newspaper, Kantipur (June 6,2001), and that resulted in the arrest of four journalists including the chief editor. In fact the incident of royal massacre indirectly helped in propagating the People's War at world level.
This incident also exposed the parliamentary forces who dared not to condemn the incident, leave alone organising any protest against the massacre. It specially exposed the hypocrisy of the so-called leftist forces like UML and Masal, who are supposed to be republican but resorted to supporting the new 'king'. After the royal palace massacre, the CPN (Maoist) issued a statement not to accept the new 'king' as the massacre had made monarchy redundant and to protest against the massacre. This lead to massive turn out in streets protesting against the massacre and demanding to punish the culprits. The growing ire against the state was so strong that prince Deependra's body had to be cremated under curfew, which continued even when the new 'king' Gyanendra was coronated. Not only that Girija's attempt to accompany Gyanendra for his coronation was thwarted by stone throwing masses. It is also worth noting that a 'Public Security Ordinance' (PSO) was promulgated on the very same day of the coronation. Bolstered by new king's hardened attitude, Girija came out with a 14-point agenda of common understanding; an attempt to rope in all political forces to isolate CPN (Maoist) and to suppress it.
However, by this time Girija became so unpopular that there were movements to oust his government, to which most of opposition parties, including the main opposition party UML, lent support. CPN (Maoist) also made the resignation of Girija as one of its immediate demands while calling for protest against the massacre. While no party dared to protest against the unholy nexus between Gyanendra and American imperialism and Indian expansionist in connection with royal massacre, and the promulgation of PSO, it was CPN (Maoist) which boldly called for 'Nepal Bandh' on July 12. Week-long campaign involving mobilization of the masses together with torch-lit demonstrations, burning of effigies of Gyanendra and Girija, together with armed actions on police posts took place preceding the 'Nepal Bandh' day. On the 'Nepal Bandh' day several daring armed actions took place, like armed action against Holeri police post in Rolpa in which 72 armed policemen were captured. Similarly total number of 42 policemen were killed in police outpost raids in Lamjung, Nuwakot and Gulmi districts of Central region. Attack on police outpost in Eastern region were also carried out, As expected Girija in connivance with Ganendra mobilized the royal army in Nuwagaon in Rolpa to recapture government police forces from the Maoist custody. It should be noted that Girija had been in favour of army mobilisation right in the beginning, but the late king Birendra had not permitted the use of the army. Hence, this is the first time he was able to mobilise the army through Gyanendra. However, the military force sent in helicopters were attacked resulting in severe damage to one helicopter and the royal military force that managed to land in Nuwagaon village, was soon encircled by the People's Army together with the villagers. However, the Girija government came up with white lies claiming that it was the reactionary military force which encircling the People's Army and that several of them had been killed. When the truthful news reached the masses Girija got thoroughly exposed. This incident proved to be the last straw on the camel's back resulting in resignation of his government. Sher Bahadur Deupa of the same Nepali Congress Party formed a new government with its tall claims to solve the so-called Maoist problem. Then ensued the process negotiation, of break down of talks resumption of war in higher scale, declaration of a state of emergency on November 26 and the rest.
Thus the political crises enhanced by massacre of king Birendra and his family resulted into bigger crisis for the reactionary state. As aptly commented by Com. Mao, the Nepalese reactionaries had picked up a stone against the people but dropped it onto their own feet and hurt themselves. Since monarchy has been the strongest traditional institution of the reactionary classes particularly due to its control over the royal army, its destabilisation has shaken the very foundation of reaction in the country.
NEGOTIATION WITH THE REACTIONARY STATE
The question of negotiation has always been viewed differently by different classes. The ruling reactionary class uses it as a weapon to lull the revolutionaries into inaction and surrender, or to mislead the masses against the revolutionary forces, alleging that they are rigid, warmongers and that they are not for peaceful solution. For the proletarian revolutionary forces, the question of negotiation becomes relevant only when it helps in consolidating, or preserving its forces in order to advance the revolution. When they decide to go for negotiation, they use it as an opportunity to put forward their ideology, and political views frankly before the masses and to mobilise them for the revolution.
It should be noted that the question of negotiation in Nepal has been raging since the very beginning of the PW and the latest one was forwarded by the Sher Bahadur Deupa government as soon as it came to power in August 2001. This he was forced to do so because he formed the government on the basis of promise to solve the so-called Maoist problem and the new 'king' Gyanendra wanted to buy more time to consolidate his position.
Within the Nepalese ruling class there have been two strands regarding the question of negotiation. While the relatively liberal force has sought to use it as a political means to bring the CPN (Maoist) within the status quo [of] its parliamentary politics, on the other hand, the fascist hard-liner force has conspired to use it as a deceptive measure to further consolidate its military might and prepare for armed offence against People's War. For the CPN (Maoist), the question of negotiation has always been an open political tactics to advance the revolution, or a tit for tat tactics according to the enemy's position. In the current context, specially in a situation of sudden stalemate between the revolutionary and counter-revolutionary forces after the palace massacre and prevalence of certain degree of illusion among the petty-bourgeois section of the masses about a negotiated solution to the problem, the CPN (Maoist) thought it more opportune to engage in the process of negotiation with definite aims. Hence the CPN (Maoist) put forward the demand for releasing all it's prisoners and to make public the status of those who had gone missing as a pre-condition for starting negotiation. The government responded it by releasing some prisoners. The CPN (Maoist) also responded it by releasing all the police men and other prisoners it had captured. However the government did not release all the prisoners, and they did not make public the status of the missing persons.
The first round of negotiation took place on August 30. It was an introductory meeting to familiarise the negotiators and issues that were likely to be raised. The second round of negotiation took place on September 14. The negotiation was centred on drawing the agenda and the three immediate political demands put forward by our side, namely (1) formation of an interim government (2) drawing a new constitution (3) institutionalisation of the republic. Among these demands the reactionary side understandably stuck to the question of monarchy, apparently under the pressure of the Gyanendra clique, and the talks seemed to make no political headway. Even then keeping the public sentiment in mind, it was agreed to sit down for a third round of talks.
Meanwhile, utilizing comparatively relaxed atmosphere, the Party used this opportunity to organise and mobilise the masses in support of the PW. The Party, educated the masses on why monarchy had become redundant after the massacre of the royal family, and on the relevance of a republican state. It also educated the masses on the relationship between its immediate demands and the programme of NDR. Meanwhile it held the conventions of the PLA and the revolutionary united front within the country to consolidate its position for the central level political intervention when the situation demands.
The negotiation period also gave opportunity to organise massive rallies in urban areas. It was also possible to mobilise various oppressed groups such as women, dalits, oppressed nationalities and regionally oppressed people and explain to them the Party's position on the nature of their oppression and the solution it offers. The most notable rallies were held in Dang, Nepalganj, Dhangadhi in Western region, Chitwan, Pokhara and Butwal in Central region, Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktapur in Kathmandu valley and Hetauda, Biratnagar Janakpur in Eastern region, where several hundred thousands gathered in each mass meetings. There were reports that such massive rallies had never taken place in the entire history of Nepal. The star attractions of the rallies were the Party negotiators and those mass-leaders that had just been released from enemy jails. The Party used this occasion to explain its ideological and political line, particularly the relevance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Prachanda Path, which was recently passed by the Second National Conference.
Negotiation also became one more method to expose the hypocrisy of the ruling classes as they were mobilising its military and para-militaiy forces to harass and arrest the revolutionary m the meantime. Not only that, they were preventing even peaceful demonstrations and mass meetings at various places. They were openly arming themselves with modem military equipments from different countries. The fascist Girija clique was inciting the activities of sabotage in the name of so-called united resistance committees so as to derail the negotiations. Several attacks on revolutionary cadres and the masses took place. Particularly in Terai regions, where arson and looting took place against the Hill people, thus giving it a communal colour. However such an act got backfired when the real evil intention was revealed and people turned out to be more sympathetic to the PW. The dilly-dallying tactics of the government also taught the masses not to rely on negotiation alone.
During this period, the Party organised meetings of various leftist and patriotic forces so as to form broad alliance in support of its demands. However, a broad understanding achieved by the meeting was breached by the revisionist UML. Subsequently none of the so-called left parties dared to come out against the monarchy. Similarly it is interesting to note that while most of the countries of the world welcomed the decision of the government to negotiate with CPN (Maoist), the Indian expansionist state condemned the CPN (Maoist) as a 'terrorist organisation', thus contributing to derail the negotiation process.
The third round of negotiation took place on November 13. As there was apparent pressure from the feudal-militarist clique not to concede to the demand of a republican from of state, our side made an alternate proposal for an elected constituent assembly under an interim government to settle the immediate political issue. There was seen enthusiastic support to the proposal from the general masses and a large section of the bourgeois intelligentsia. But the meek Deuba government once again surrendered to the murderous Gyanendra clique and did not dare to support the new proposal. Meanwhile the Gyanendra clique has tended its conspiratorial plan to mobilise the royal army under its command against the revolutionary forces. Subsequently Chairman Prachanda issued a public statement on November 21 announcing the virtual collapse of the negotiation process and placing the blame for the same on the reactionary side.
The Party, however, assessed several important gains from the whole process of negotiation. The first was the opportunity for organisational consolidation, mass mobilisation and all-round preparation, both political and military, for further advancement of the PW. The second was ensuring the release of several important comrades from the enemy custody. And the third, and perhaps the most important, was the thorough political exposure of the enemy's hypocrisy among the masses and practical education to the masses on illusions about the negotiations.
Scanned and Formatted by Nepalese Internationalist Solidarity Forum