Excerpts from Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) CC Report

Political and Organisational Resolution

For the entire Central Committee Report (November, 2005) go to www.cpnm.org – AWTW

2 – On the evaluation of domestic situation and party tactics

a) The People’s War that was initiated under the leadership of our party to resolve the contradiction of the Nepalese people with the state power of feudal, bureaucrat and comprador bourgeoisie class based on the coalition of feudalism and imperialism has brought forward, in the period of ten years, a wide-ranging change in the power balance of national politics. The old state has been wiped out from the entire rural area of country whilst national and regional autonomous republics and local powers, though in the primary stage of their development, have taken birth. These people’s powers, in line with the specificity of Nepal, are advancing gradually towards the direction of forming central government of Federal People’s Republic. The People’s Liberation Army, entering into the stage of strategic offensive after it crossed the strategic defensive and equilibrium against the enemy’s military strength, has already implemented its first plan. Today, this is the principal aspect of domestic situation.

b) When the ideological synthesis the second national conference of our party had made and the political and military tactic it had put forward led the development of People’s War to further intensification and qualitativeness, then the contradiction between the liberal and diehard sections of the old state also got intensified. The first explosion of that contradiction went off in the form of dreadful Narayanhiti Massacre. That massacre, in its essence, was the result of conspiracy, rebellion and victory acquired by the diehard section of the state under the leadership of obstinate feudal element against the liberal section and group. The fact that the massacre was deliberated mainly against the people’s war and the achievement of historical mass movement in 1990 as well has been clear as daylight. Our party had then made a political analysis that there was support of foreign reactionary power mainly the US imperialism to the fake King Gyanendra and his feudal clique behind the massacre. Today, even when Gyanendra Shahi, through a coup has imposed autocratic monarchical military dictatorship in the country, the pressure that the US imperialism, which thinks of oneself as the supplier of democracy the world over, has been creating upon the parliamentarian political parties to surrender before the autocratic monarchy justifies more brilliantly that our erstwhile analysis was correct. Realizing seriously the reality that the massacre was also targeted against the parliamentarian parties participating in the old state, our party had immediately appealed the parliamentarian parties and civil society and taken initiative for joint work and front against feudal autocracy. However, the appeal and initiative could not take a concrete form because of the class character, short sightedness and momentary interest of the major parliamentarian parties. Today, after about four years, mainly after the royal coup of Feb 1, 2005, with the pressure of situation, the environment and possibility of building such an alliance has immensely increased and party is taking initiative to its capacity towards that direction.

c) To coordinate well the political and military intervention and use correctly the contradiction between different groups of the enemy has been an inseparable part of our tactic. Evaluating objectively the international balance of power and experience of the five years of people’s war, the second national conference of our party took up a decision of all party conference, interim government and the election of constituent assembly as a political tactic. Before the positive impact of this tactic had reached to its climax, the Narayanhiti Massacre was staged and it brought about a huge change in the political scenario of the country. The party centre, developing its political tactic in the new situation, emphasised on the necessity of interim government, election of constituent assembly and institutionalised development of republic. In that very context, emphasising to enhance the movement unitedly in favour of constituent assembly and republic, party had furthered discussion with different parliamentarian parties at the central level. Noteworthy to mention is that the then slogan of republic was neither a slogan of new democratic republic nor that of bourgeois parliamentarian one. In fact and in essence, that slogan was the one of multiparty republic that by means of constituent assembly could bring about an extensive change in the state structure by addressing the problems related with class, nation, region and sex prevailing in the country. The summary of what kind of changes in the state structure the party has sought through constituent assembly has been clarified in the proposal the negotiation team had presented on behalf of the party. It is clear that the same slogan of republic was later spelled as democratic republic by adding a popular terminology the ‘democratic’.

d) Now the slogan of interim government, election of the constituent assembly and democratic republic that our party, taking into account of the international and domestic balance of power, has formulated is a tactical slogan put forward for the forward-looking political way out. Remaining clear on the principle that the tactic must serve strategy, our party has viewed the democratic republic neither as the bourgeois parliamentarian republic nor directly as the new democratic one. This republic with an extensive reorganisation of the state power as to resolve the problems related with class, nationality, region and sex prevailing in the country, would play a role of transitional multiparty republic. Certainly, the reactionary class and their parties will try to transform this republic into bourgeois parliamentarian one, where as our party of the proletariat class will try to transform it into new democratic republic. How long will be the period of transition, is not a thing that can right now be ascertained. It is clear that it will depend upon the then national and international situation and state of power balance. As for now, this slogan has played and will play an important role to unite all the forces against the absolute monarchy dominant in the old state for it has been a common enemy for both revolutionary and parliamentarian forces. Both of the understandings that the slogan of constituent assembly and democratic republic is a pure political and diplomatic manoeuvring to be never applied or as a strategic slogan to be never changed i.e. to be applied in any condition are wrong.

In the concrete condition of today, our party can establish its leadership in the movement only by going forward firmly, actively and responsibly in the question of organising interim government, electing constituent assembly and establishing democratic republic with extensive reorganisation in the state power and with the force of struggle by uniting entire republican forces against the feudal autocratic monarchy. After the collapse of the monarchy dominant in the old state, this slogan can play a role of forward-looking political way out for the peaceful resolution of civil war. This slogan addresses correctly the people’s aspiration of change and peace for it can open up a door of peaceful resolution of civil war, and as a consequence can play a positive role for the preparation of insurrection too. So, party must take up active initiative unitedly to make this process reach to a logical conclusion.

e) The unilateral cease-fire that the centre had declared for three months has established party’s conviction, sense of responsibility and sensitiveness towards democratic political way out and aspiration of peace of the masses of people from a new height. The heartily welcome and positive repercussion from all the political forces and the masses of all levels and sects, in and outside of the country that, along with forward-looking political way out, aspire for peace has further inspired our party to go more responsibly ahead. Most important thing is that the cease-fire, tearing out Gyanendra Shahi’s mask of peace, has made the war-mongering, criminal and autocratic look hidden within it naked and exposed before the broad masses and world community as well. Gyanendra Shahi, who has been unable to show his criminal face in the general assembly of United Nations, staging a drama of walking on foot within a high security cordon, is now entertaining his nearby people by uttering stupid things like ‘something unwanted things are being done with foreign money in the country’ with his sycophant officials. Even while requests are being made from the entire intelligentsia and broad masses in the country and from the UN to the world community to work in favour of peace and political way out, Gyanendra Shahi and his absolute feudal coterie, cowardly propagating that ‘the ceasefire cannot be believed’ has instructed the royal army at this time to be active in killing, arresting and torturing Maoist cadres and people all across the country. Also the fact that the motive hidden behind this was to stupidly cover up his absolute and bloodthirsty face by forcing us to call off cease-fire soon and, in turn, propagating all of this was a conspiracy has now been exposed before the entire Nepalese people and the world. Where as, our party is determined to accomplish its responsibility of forward-looking political way out and people’s aspiration of peace without being provoked by the enemy.

Now, the feudal clique of national betrayer and people’s traitor Gyanendra Shahi, hiding inside the mask of foreign intervention and nationalism, is going ahead towards the direction of unleashing a dreadful massacre against the real multiparty nationalism and democratic movement in Nepal. The situation is becoming so piercing that a danger of big storm in the capital and big cities has been visualised in the near future. A time-bell is ringing for the history to take a big turn.

In this situation, our party of the proletariat, determining own tactic and reaching to the climax of its rigidity and flexibility, must be able to accomplish its role in the history. In the situation, which changes in moments, if the party of the proletariat, in a real sense, fails to build up a headquarters capable to take up any risky decision of whatever kind and party rank and army, which can implement that decision firmly with no condition, the storm not far away can wreck everything. That storm will not take note of any kind of dogma and insistence. Party engenders a danger of losing its credibility in the history if we cannot establish our control over the events by changing our moves immediately in line with the intense development of objective events. At this time, all the political parties in our country are entering into a major acid test of the history. The verdict of who will turn into ash and who will pass well in this acid test will take place very ruthlessly. Therefore, in this crucial moment it is necessary to have a strong unity for the party to keep oneself prepared fully.

e) Party must not and will not allow the historic truth falling in shadow that the main specificity of imperialism and proletarian revolution is the alliance of feudalism and imperialism. The economic, political and military assistance the ruling classes of US imperialism and Indian expansionism have granted to the royal army, subservient to the feudal palace, to oppress the democratic movement of the people has forcefully justified that historic fact in the Nepalese context also. Even after Feb 1, 2005, the pressure that the US imperialism has created upon the political parties for an agreement with the feudal monarchy sustaining with the support of pure royal army terror clarifies the depth of that alliance.

Even while wide public opinion has been built up today in favour of constituent assembly election, it is clear that the pressure of foreign power centres is working from behind the failure of 7 political parties to abandon the collaborationist slogan of restoration of parliament. The slogan of reinstatement of parliament in the present condition of Nepal can act not only as a loophole for the parties to agree with the King but also as a weapon of the King to save himself at last stage. The reason behind continuing with such situation seems to be a phobia of imperialists and, to a great extent, parliamentarian party leaders, that the Maoists might acquire upper hand when constituent assembly and republic is taken up directly. Here, they have been insisting the People’s Liberation Army, under our party leadership, and weapons to be the main problem. One can easily understand the secret behind the saying that feudal and imperialist leaders cannot believe us until we come in peaceful politics by abandoning People’s War, in other words, until we surrender, but the same kind of saying from the leaders of parliamentarian parties, who talk of full democracy or republic, can be said ridiculous only.

To shut eyes on the historical necessity of dissolving and disarming the royal army that has been defending absolute monarchy by booting down people’s democratic movement and its achievement since 250 years, in general, and past six decades, in particular, becomes moving around feudalism and imperialism. In the history, no republic has been established ever without dissolving and defeating the army subservient to monarchy and Nepal cannot be an exception to it. In the context when our party, with a deep sense of responsibility towards people and the democracy, has been declaring to reorganise army according to the result that comes through the election (peaceful) of constituent assembly under the supervision of UNO or any trustworthy international institution, the fact that the people’s army is not an obstruction for peace and democracy but is a means of it is clear. While arriving at the latest cease-fire, party’s sensitivity towards people’s aspiration of peace and political way out has been further clear.

In spite of this, in the context of the imperialist exertion to materialise coalition between the absolute monarchy and parliamentarian parties, Gyanendra Shahi’s cruel and feudal obstinacy to crush down all with the strength of royal army and major parliamentarian leaders’ unclear, political indecision and collaborationist behaviour, our party must not and will not be trapped in a subjective illusion that republic will emerge through constituent assembly after the monarchy collapses with no trouble and easily. Unless the backbone of royal army is broken by raising people’s war to a new height, unless a consolidated unity is developed in the party by developing its own ideology, policy, plan, program and command and unless people’s power and people’s relation is developed on the basis of people’s education, to expect a change from others is wrong. Our party will not lag behind in the tactic of uniting all forces who can be united for a political way out, but while doing so will never deviate from the duty of firmly advancing our independent revolutionary initiative further. Grasping the reality that the development of people’s war has made the possibility of forward-looking political way out strong, the whole party, People’s Liberation Army and people’s powers, and consolidating them, will be centralised to raise people’s war to a new height. n