in the Communist Party of the Philippines
Putting Mao at the Heart of Party Life
reprinted below are from Rebolusyon, the theoretical journal
of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). They concern an
important rectification movement that the CPP has been waging over
the past few years.
has been part of the worldwide Maoist movement since it was founded
in 1969 in the great wave of revolutionary movements inspired by
the Cultural Revolution. It was in fact formed directly out of a
fierce battle by young revolutionaries against the pro-Soviet revisionist
line and leadership that then headed up the CPP. Indeed, the Party
calls this the First Great Rectification Movement.
founding documents strongly affirmed Mao Tsetung̓s basic developments
of Marxism-Leninism. Amidst a powerful surge of mass rebellions
then shaking the Philippines, the CPP launched a People̓s War
against the US-backed Marcos regime.
War continued to advance over the next few years, but soon the Party
faced a series of rapid, dramatic changes in the international and
national situation, including the reactionary 1976 coup in China
and the capture of the Party̓s founding chairman José
Maria Sison and other top leaders. In this difficult situation,
the Party began to lose its bearings. For many years no stand was
taken against the Deng Xiao-ping regime, and a series of other errors
arose, including on military strategy, the united front, and, before
long, on such questions as the class nature of the Soviet Union
and whether it could be a source of aid to the revolutionary movement.
(For ore on this, including the CoRIM̓s Open Letter calling
on the CPP comrades to turn back to Mao, see AWTW 1987/8
and AWTW 1988/12.)
mid to late 1980s, the situation had grown serious indeed. The Party
had been buffeted sharply by an inability to deal correctly with
the fall of the Marcos dictatorship and the rise of Cory Aquino,
and grave errors had been committed in the handling of inner-party
struggle and the struggle against enemy infiltrators in one particular
region (referred to in the documents below as the Ajos campaign).
Trends even arose to drop Mao Tsetung Thought completely. As the
CPP Central Committee itself has now summed up, the very life of
the Party was coming under threat.
afterwards, those forces in the Party who had been pushing to support
the Soviet Union were dealt a sharp blow by the weakening and then
collapse of the revisionist facade there. However, it was not until
1992 that the revolutionary forces were able to bring together the
strength and understanding necessary to launch an actual rectification
campaign within the Party, led by the Central Committee and its
campaign has been leading the cadres in digging out the revisionist
influences, and the revolutionary enthusiasm of the comrades has
been unleashed. The process is going deeper and further than had
been foreseen. The campaign has been waged for five years now and,
of course, has been uneven. It has taken many unforeseeable twists
and turns, as accounts (reprinted in Rebolusyon) by the Party
leadership in the regions as well as centrally make clear. In the
midst of this process the Party has maintained its national presence
and preserved the People̓s War. This is powerful testimony
to the deep roots of Maoism in the ranks of the Party and its supporters.
forces within and around the Party taunted the revolutionary comrades
for “dogmatically” sticking to the “slow”
track of protracted people̓s war. They promised “quicker,
easier” paths to victory, incorporating elements of urban
insurrectionism or decisive large-scale military confrontations
with visions of international aid. These left-sounding promises
hid a thoroughly reformist essence, for, as one critique put it,
“they are easier and quicker because they bypass any real
revolution”. (For more on the line of urban insurrectionism
see, Protracted People̓s War is the Road to Liberation
— A critique of Omar Tupaz's “Toward a Revolutionary
Strategy of the 90s”, Centre for Social Studies, Netherlands.
Available from AWTW.) The right essence of the “left”
opportunist line has stood out sharply as the rectification campaign
questions have been battled out, including on the class character
of the Philippines, the basic strategy of people̓s war, the
nature of the United Front and many others. But the most important
advance achieved by the rectification movement has been bringing
the teachings of Mao Tsetung back to the heart of the Party̓s
life. The Maoist teachings on the strategy of people̓s war
and new democratic revolution in particular have been the subject
of serious study campaigns carried out in close relationship to
summing up practice and carrying out criticism/self-criticism at
every level of the Party. The goal of classless society, communism,
has been reaffirmed, and revisionism roundly attacked, including
the Deng regime in China. AWTW is reprinting these documents
with the permission of the CPP to make this important campaign better
known to revolutionaries worldwide.
revolutionary communist should support this rectification movement
in arming the comrades of the CPP with an ever deeper understanding
of MLM, so that they are able to further revitalize and propel forward
the People̓s War to defeat the US-backed comprador regime and
turn the Philippines into a powerful red base area for the world
proletarian revolution. The excerpt from the first document, Reaffirm
Our Basic Principles and Rectify Errors, is from section one
“In the Field of Ideology”. The other two sections are
entitled "In the Field of Politics" and “In the
Field of Organization”. Similarily, the excerpt from the document
by the CC Executive Committee is from section one “Ideological
Rectification and Strengthening”. The other two sections are
entitled, “Advancing the People̓s Democratic Revolution”
and “Consolidating the Organization”.
Note: The spelling
of proper nouns is as in the original document — AWTW
Our Basic Principles and Rectify Errors
Central Committee, Communist Party of the Philippines, July
[Rebolusyon Editorial Note: This is the final document
as amended and approved by the Central Committee of the Party.
....Because this is a summing up of major errors and shortcomings
and also a rectification document, there is preponderance of criticism
rather than of celebration of the achievements of the Party.
This is the principal document of the on-going rectification
movement. It is supplemented by the General Review of Important
Events and Decisions (1980 to 1991).]
Let us reaffirm the basic revolutionary principles of the
Party on the 23rd anniversary of its re-establishment. These are
our guiding light in taking stock of and celebrating the accomplishments
of the Party as well as in confronting certain long-running problems
and unprecedented setbacks.
Our basic principles are set forth in the documents of re-establishment
such as “Rectify Errors and Rebuild the Party”, the
Party Constitution and Program. As proletarian revolutionaries,
we must always measure ourselves according to these principles.
These principles run through the following: adherence to
the theory of Marxism-Leninism, repudiation of modern revisionism,
the class analysis of Philippine society as semi-colonial and semi-feudal,
the general line of new democratic revolution, the leading role
of the working class through the Party, the theory of people̓s
war and the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside,
the united front along the revolutionary class line, democratic
centralism, the socialist perspective and proletarian internationalism.
Through the years, the overwhelming majority of Party cadres
and members have adhered to these basic principles and have won
great victories in carrying the Philippine revolution forward. The
Party played an outstanding role in the long struggle against the
U.S.-Marcos fascist dictatorship up to the end and comprehensively
and profoundly advanced the Philippine revolution to a level higher
than at any time in the past.
Under the guidance of the Party̓s general line, correct
tactics against the U.S.-Marcos fascist dictatorship, policy on
the step-by-step, all-sided and consistent pursuit of the armed
revolution and through the courageous struggles and sacrifices by
Party cadres and members and by the revolutionary masses, the Party,
the people̓s army, the mass movement and the revolutionary
united front reached in the mid-1980s a level unprecedented in scope
and strength since the Party̓s re-establishment, far beyond
the highest level ever achieved by the armed revolution under the
leadership of the old merger party.
At the same time, there have been gross deviations and errors
which have caused grievous damage to the Party and the revolutionary
mass movement. There have also been other errors and shortcomings,
which although not as serious, have nonetheless caused damage or
served as a drag on the advance of the revolution. Impelled by petit-bourgeois
impetuosity and subjectivism in te face of the vigorous advance
of the revolution and the rapid decline of the U.S.-Marcos fascist
dictatorship, there emerged inside the Party certain concepts of
“advancing” the revolution that deviated from the basic
principles and the theory and line of people̓s war, flew away
from concrete conditions and the actual strength of the revolutionary
forces and over-reached for a quick victory by skipping the necessary
stages for advancing the revolution.
The worst among these is the line combining the desire for
urban armed insurrection and army “regularization”,
that in the countryside encouraged military adventurist actions
and the purely military viewpoint and, in the cities, actions and
ideas of putschism and worship of the spontaneous masses. The obsession
with urban insurrection and the premature build-up of higher but
as yet unsustainable military formations (companies and battalions)
and top-heavy staff structures, deprived the countryside of cadres
urgently needed for mass work. These are misrepresented as adjustments
or refinements on the theory and practice of people̓s war or
otherwise as a superior theory or strategy. Thus, we are plagued
by a reduction of mass base and other concomitant problems that
in gravity are also unprecedented in the experience of the re-established
The serious deviations and errors were not identified, criticised
and repudiated for a long time. These were allowed to spread and
influence a portion of the Party organization and created a great
amount of disorientation and damage, and then to harden to the point
of rejecting criticism and rectification, and now to a degree these
threaten the very life of the Party and the revolutionary movement.
However, the correct line and those who adhere to
it still prevail and can further prevail over the wrong line. It
should be made clear, however, that we are still far stronger in
several respects than in 1968, 1977 or 1980. The entire strength
of the Party, the people̓s army and the mass movement in the
countryside and the cities is more or less at the level we reached
in 1983 or 1984. If we rectify the deviations and errors and take
firm steps towards the correct course, the strength that we have
achieved and maintained until today will be sufficient for us to
continue advancing towards the last phase of the strategic defensive.
There is firm ground for further leading the masses (arousing, organizing
and mobilizing them) and launching the offensives (mass actions
and armed tactical offensives) that we are capable of.
The enemy was daydreaming when he boasted of being
able to defeat the Party and the people in 1992 and 1993. The ruling
system is wracked by an ever worsening political and economic crisis.
There is increasing violence among the political factions of the
exploiting classes. The pre-industrial semi-colonial and semi-feudal
economy continues to be plundered by the local exploiting classes
and the multinational firms and banks. The crisis drives the broad
masses of the people to resistance and provides the fertile ground
for the armed revolution and the legal democratic movement.
We must stand firmly as proletarian revolutionaries
like the Bolsheviks did when capitalism expanded rapidly to become
modern imperialism in the period before World War I and the classical
revisionists dominated the Second International and also like the
communists did when they fought fascism during another period before,
during and after World War II. We must stand firm and fight now
in another dark period when capitalism seems to be unchallenged
and unbeatable as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and
the revisionist ruling parties and regimes and their replacement
by undisguised bourgeois class dictatorship and capitalist regimes.
The chronic crisis of the semi-colonial and semi-feudal
social system is ever worsening and provides the conditions for
the development of our protracted armed revolution. We see the ever-growing
contradictions among the capitalist powers; between them and the
increased number of debt-ridden neocolonies; between the local ruling
classes and their foreign masters on the one hand and the oppressed
and exploited peoples and nations on the other and betwen the bourgeoisie
and the proletariat.
All the counter-revolutionary campaigns of violence
and deception will fail if the Party sums up its experience well,
criticizes, repudiates and rectifies the major errors and deviations
that have seriously damaged the Party and the revolutionary mass
movement and now threaten their very life. The Party can further
strengthen itself by basing itself on previous and continuing achievements,
conducting criticism and self-criticism in an all-round rectification
movement and correctly setting forth the new tasks.
In the face of enemy assaults and of deviations and
errors that have caused serious damage to the revolutionary forces
and the people, we call on all Party cadres and members to reaffirm
our basic principles, identify and rectify the major deviations,
errors and shortcomings and strengthen our Party ideologically,
politically and organizationally.
Despite the adverse results leading to the drastic
decline in our strength in certain areas, there are still some elements
who persist in their impetuosity and there are others who swing
from an ultra-Left position to a Rightist position. It is of crucial
importance that we trace the ideological, political and organizational
roots of our major errors and shortcomings, understand the circumstances
in which these arose and recognize their harmful effects, so that
we can correctly take our bearings and strengthen the Party and
the revolutionary mass movement.
There can be countless specific achievements and specific
problems to cite. But our main objective in this document is to
identify, criticize and rectify those major deviations, errors and
shortcomings that have had the most considerable impact on the current
status and further development of the Party and the revolutionary
movement. While we conduct a wide-ranging review and study of our
past practice and current circumstances, this is not intended to
replace the summings-up and assessments of varying scope that must
still be undertaken.
In general, the Party still has considerable strength
and vitality needed to solve the long-running problems and overcome
the unprecedented setbacks. We can further strengthen ourselves
and carry the revolution forward.
I. In The Field Of Ideology
As proletarian revolutionaries, we have availed ourselves of the great
treasury of Marxist-Leninist theory and have drawn from it the basic
principles that guide our revolutionary cause in the stages of new
democratic revolution, socialist revolution and communism. We must
continue to do so, or else suffer the fate of the revisionist ruling
parties (including their camp followers) that started to revise and
depart from basic revolutionary principles more than three decades
ago and would eventually disintegrate during these last few years.
Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary
movement. We can persevere in revolutionary struggle, promote the
rights and interests of the people, stay on the correct line and
win further victories only if we have firm ideological moorings.
We must therefore undertake theoretical studies seriously.
Political studies and activism are absolutely necessary
in order to arouse, organize and mobilize the masses. But these
are not enough. We must not limit ourselves to the study of the
national situation from time to time. We also must not swing and
sway with the current hype in the bourgeois mass media nor with
pressures of unstable and unreliable allies. We must constantly
be clear about our theory and our ideas. We must constantly be clear
about the interests of the proletariat and the oppressed peole in
our own country and throughout the world.
We must maintain and further develop our Marxist-Leninist
stand, viewpoint and method. We must constantly improve our knowledge
of the materialist philosophy, historical materialism, political
economy, scientific socialism, the new-democratic revolution, party
building, people̓s war and the building of the united front.
Since the re-establishment of the Party, theoretical
study has had three levels: the basic level focusing on Philippine
history, society and revolution and our own basic documents; the
intermediate level, on the comparative study of the Philippine revolution
with the Chinese and other revolutionary movements, using our seven-volume
selections from Mao̓s works; and the advanced level, on the
basic principles of Marxist-Leninist theory, using the most important
works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao for reading and study
by individual Party members and by Party branches.
But since the late 1970s, we have increasingly departed
from the fore-going structure of theoretical education and given
less attention to the works of Mao. Writings of lesser importance
and lesser relevance to our revolutionary struggle have gained more
attention from Party members although in a superficial manner.
Also since the late 1970s, except for the basic Party
course and other sporadic educational drives of limited coverage,
there has been a gross lack of study courses and study materials
for theoretical education at the intermediate and advanced levels.
New translations into Pilipino of the basic documents of our Party̓s
re-establishment and other important basic writings were made and
distributed in 1981-82 but only in limited number. The works of
the great communist thinkers and leaders have also become scarce
and unavailable to the Party rank and file.
Low Level of Theoretical Education
The undeniable consequence of this neglect of theoretical
education is the widespread low level of theoretical knowledge among
Party cadres and members, especially among those recruited since
the late 1970s. There is a growing failure to evaluate the revolutionary
experience of our own Party and people as well as foreign revolutionary
experiences, past and current. There is also a growing failure to
identify, criticize and combat the petit-bourgeois ideas and influences
that emerge inside and outside the Party and are allowed to mislead
our Party members and the revolutionary masses. Cadres with a low
level of theoretical knowledge have been organizationally promoted
and are prone to serious deviations and errors not only in ideology
but also consequently in political and organizational work.
There is wide ground for subjectivism, including the
dogmatist and revisionist trends, to arise within the Party. Instead
of having a comprehensive, complete and all-sided view of things
and theoretical development from a proletarian revolutionary stand,
there is a narrow, one-sided and fragmentary view of these, depending
on which deviation certain elements wish to promote.
For instance, there are elements who exaggerate the
current role of their urban area of work and eclectically take out
of historical context certain dramatic events, like the Petrograd
and Moscow uprisings, the Vietnamese uprising of 1945, the Tet offensive
of 1968 and the Nicaraguan final offensive of 1979 - in order to
insist on the “autonomous/specific dynamism of urban struggle”
(apart from the entire strategy) and devise a “new strategy”
of armed urban insurrection and dogmatically superimpose it on or
counterpose it to the entire theory and practice of pople̓s
People̓s war does not exclude armed insurrection
at the appropriate time, like the widespread revolutionary uprisings
in many Philippine provinces in 1896-98 and 1898-99 against Spanish
colonial rule and then against the U.S. war of aggression and those
in Central Luzon in late 1944 and early 1945 against the collapsing
Japanese forces. In their respective times, the Philippine revolutionary
army and the Hukbalahap were the rallying points of the organized
and spontaneous masses.
A successful popular insurrection is premised on the
disintegration of the counter-revolutionary army and on the existence
of a new armed revolutionary force among other factors. To deny
the necessity of developing people̓s war and building the people̓s
army in stages, while the enemy force is still intact and not yet
disintegrating, is not only to demagogically take advantage of a
natural desire for quick victory but to lead the revolutionary forces
Even when the wholeness of a certain thing or process
is well perceived and even when the two contradictory aspects are
recognized, errors have been committed either in identifying which
are the principal and the secondary aspects under certain conditions
at a given time; or after identifying the principal aspect, in completely
or virtually denying the secondary one.
Take for instance the current of thought leading to
the boycott error of 1986. The central leadership was correct in
declaring that the 1986 snap presidential election was farcical
and that Marcos would cheat and win the Comelec count. So up to
a given set of circumstances and within a certain period of time,
the principal aspect was obviously for Marcos to remain in power.
Indeed, Marcos would “win” by Comelec count and Batasang
Pambansa (the legislative) proclamation.
But the secondary aspect could rise to the principal
position upon a change of circumstances, like the U.S.-engineered
military mutiny and the popular uprising that arose due to the convergence
of both the organized reactionary forces (including the Catholic
Church) and the progressive forces. As early as November 1985, the
high potential of the secondary aspect rising to the principal position
was already discernible.
In the handling of contradictory aspects, error can
also arise from trying to combine or reconcile the principal aspect
with the secondary aspect. According to dialectical materialism,
an entire thing or process can be understood by knowing both the
principal aspect and the secondary aspects or in a complex thing
or process, both the principal and the secondary contradictions.
For example, one line is correct, like the strategic
line of encircling the cities from the countryside in accordance
with the theory of people̓s war. Another line is wrong, like
aiming for total victory or a share of power with the bourgeoisie
soon, without necessarily building the people̓s army in stages
until it is strong enough to smash the bureaucratic-military machinery
of the reactionary state in the cities. Thus, Party cadres, including
those on the enemy manhunt list, concentrate in urban-based staff
organs for the purpose of “preparing” for armed insurrection;
and the people̓s army is pushed to build prematurely and unsustainably
large combat formations and top-heavy military staff.
The wrong line is not at all identified as such because
it pays lip service to the theory of people̓s war and the leadership
of the Party and also because it uses Party cadres and rides on
— even while it undermines — the existing urban and
rural mass base and contains certain elements of short-term validity
like more effective offensives by bigger military formations before
the mass base is greatly reduced or lost.
Proposals for shifting to an “insurrectionary”
strategy or the diminution of importance of base building and the
anti-feudal struggle have been rejected, but these have not been
thoroughly criticized. Worse, they have been allowed to persist
in other guises such as aiming for the decisive victory of the revolution
by means of the “strategic counteroffensive” within
the strategic defensive and “seizing opportunities”
by eans of an urban insurrection combined with “regularization”
for the strategic counteroffensive.
There is in effect a blending of the correct and wrong
lines which allows the latter to make a big headway until the Party
wakes up to the ultimate losses. In the absence of a clear and consistent
criticism and rejection of what is wrong, the compromise allows
the error to work like a parasite on the correct body of principles,
the Party, the people̓s army and the revolutionary mass movement.
The grossest example of failing to recognize the principal
and secondary aspects of a certain thing or process pertains to
Kampanyang AHOS (the anti-informer hysteria in Mindanao). The grave
violations of civil rights, the unjust taking of the lives of comrades
and other individuals and the attendant devastation of the revolutionary
forces by this campaign are so strikingly clear and revolting. Yet
for some time the campaign was deemed correct on the premise that
it probably succeeded in eliminating real deep penetration agents
even if hundreds upon hundreds of good comrades and innocent people
were victimized and killed.
Various reasons which are extraneous or of indirect
relevance to the flow of events under the responsibility of the
Mindanao Commission from the early 1980s to late 1986 are cited
as the basic causes of Kampanyang AHOS. These cut off the real connection
among the wrong ideological, political and organizational line;
the resultant setbacks; and the anti-infiltrator hysteria. The worst
proposition put forward by some elements is that Kampanyang AHOS
was a revolutionary success.
People̓s War and the Two-Stage Revolution
It is not a matter of arbitrary choice that in the structure
of theoretical education a large part should be allotted to the
study of the works of Mao and the Chinese revolution. Mao represents
a stage of theory and practice which is a major development of Marxism-Leninism.
His works bring Marxism-Leninism deeper into the East. And these
arose from semi-colonial and semi-feudal conditions basically similar
to those of the Philippines.
The Chinese and the Vietnamese examples of people̓s
war bear closer relevance to the current people̓s war in the
Philippines than any other armed revolution abroad. These examples
demonstrate that the chronic crisis of the semi-feudal conditions
is the ground for a protracted people̓s war and, to this day,
they remain the best available and most relevant to our struggle.
We have learned basic principles from the Chinese
revolution and Mao̓s works as the Vietnamese revolutionaries
have. We have applied them according to our own conditions, never
copying dogmatically nor mechanically any pattern of experience.
Let us cite some important differences from the Chinese experience
in people̓s war:
(1) In addition to using the countryside to divide
and weaken the forces of the enemy, we have used the archipelagic
character of the country to further divide and weaken them.
(2) The Chinese people̓s army used regular mobile
warfare and established extensive base areas during the strategic
defensive. Like the Vietnamese, we have done so with guerrilla warfare
and guerrilla bases and zones.
(3) A whole period of agrarian revolution involving
peasant uprisings and confiscation of land preceded the more successful
campaign of rent reduction and elimination of usury during the anti-Japanese
struggle. We have pursued what we call the minimum program of the
agrarian revolution before the maximum program.
The objective conditions and the subjective forces of the
current Philippine evolution are such that it can fulfil the two-stage
revolution (new democratic and socialist) first defined by Lenin
and elaborated on by Mao. The Philippine revolution is therefore
similar to the Chinese, Vietnamese, Korean, Cuban and other revolutions
which could proceed from the new democratic to the socialist stage.
In this sense, our revolution belongs to a level higher than that
of revolutions that have had to emerge from more backward colonial
and even racist political and economic domination (like much of
Africa) or those in which the revolutionary leadership is not determined
to make a socialist revolution (like in Nicaragua).
The worst kind of dogmatism resulting in the worst damage
to the Party is the superimposition of the Sandinista paradigm or
some aspects of or events in the Vietnamese revolution outside of
their historical context on our successful practice of people̓s
war in order to push for insurrectionism and the unacknowledged
revival of the Jose Lava idea of quick military victory to push
the purely military viewpoint and military adventurism. The seed
ideas for these started to sprout and grow in influence at first
within the central leadership in the early years of the 1980s, emerged
as a clear insurrectionist line in Mindanao in 1983, and was subsequently
propagated on a nationwide scale from the mid-1980s onward within
the frame of the program for the “strategic counteroffensive”.
In its documents of re-establishment, the Party took into
full account the most important and essential facts of Philippine
history and circumstances, in the class struggle and revolutionary
movement in our country. In the ideological field, the most outstanding
achievement of the Party is the integration of Marxist-Leninist
theory and concrete Philippine conditions. This involves the identification
of the basic conditions and current character of the Philippine
revolution, its motive forces and enemies, its strategy and tactics,
its tasks and its socialist perspective.
The Party made a criticism of the various subjectivist errors
— dogmatist, empiricist or revisionist, and “Left”
or Right opportunist — of the previous leaderships of the
first Communist Party (1930-38) and the merger party of the Socialist
and Communist parties (1938 onward).
Among the major subjectivist and opportunist errors criticized
and repudiated was the Jose Leva adventurist line of quick military
victory, building battalions and companies without building (through
painstaking mass work) an extensive and deep-going mass base as
their foundation. When we forget lessons from our own history, we
are bound to repeat the errors.
The line of spontaneous mass
uprising and urban armed insurrection looks new and trendy because
it flaunts the Sandinista paradigm or some paragraphs taken from
some Vietnamese writings. But in fact, this line is also an unacknowledged
recycling of the Sakdalista alsa puto, which had been correctly
criticized and repudiated since the time of Comrade Crisanto Evangelista.
As proletarian revolutionaries, we must learn from various revolutionary
experiences abroad but we must know how to evaluate them according
to their world significance, national context and relevance or applicability
to our own people̓s struggle. It is a manifestation of low
theoretical understanding, subjectivism and opportunism to rate
any Sandinista leader as more significant or more relevant than
Mao in terms of seizing political power and making social revolution.
We must read the self-criticism of the FSLN after it lost power
after ten years.
We must grasp the fact fully
that U.S. imperialism and the reactionary classes in the Philippines
are not easy pushovers. Making revolution is not simply a matter
of choosing from foreign models the easiest way to seize power.
Otherwise, the coup d̓etat made by progressive army officers
in the Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso) would be the best model. Since
1969, it has been necessary to wage a protracted people̓s war
in order to accumulate strength and build the organs of political
power in the countryside. To rush the process of ultimately seizing
the cities with notions of spontaneous mass uprising and quick military
victor is to feed the small fish to the shark, to plunge into setbacks
From the mid-1970s onward, there seems to be a penchant
among certain cadres for studying Bolshevik history and the works
of Lenin. By itself, this is a good thing. It is even better if
this is done within the context of our comprehensive theoretical
education. But the effort by certain elements to apply the Bolshevik
model on the Philippine revolution and at the same time diminish
the importance of the works of Mao Zedong — which are the
more relevant to the conditions of the Philippines — has encouraged
a trend to deviate from the comprehensive structure of the basic,
intermediate and advanced levels of theoretical education.
The apparently avid students of Bolshevik history and Lenin
eventually overfocused on the issue of the 1978 and 1986 elections
and neatly divided themselves into the boycott and participation
sides of the debate. Because the Party was banned by the enemy from
participation, the boycott side always came out winner in the internal
debates. Despite objections of Party cadres to the formulation of
the issue as well as practical suggestions from them, the Party
centre did not fully take into account how our Party conducted itself
in the 1969 and 1971 elections and, of course, in reactionary institutions
and organizations and how the Vietnamese comrades during the Vietnam
war over-rode the electoral exercises staged by the Saigon regime.
In late 1986 and 1987, there was the promotion of a tactical
course on “political leadership” concentrating on Bolshevik
history and strategy and tactics and on Lenin̓s work. The intention
was to correct the erroneous application of the strategic and tactical
principles of the Bolshevik revolution on the EDSA uprising and
the post-EDSA political situation. At the same time, a Leninist
course was promoted by the Manila-Rizal Regional Committee among
their leading cadres. Because there were practically no other courses
undertaken, these courses had the effect of squeezing out the further
study of the theory and practice of people̓s war, encouraging
an urban orientation which was used by some elements for pushing
the notion of insurrectionism.
Priorly in 1981, a view emerged within the central leadership
itself and spread among some parts of the Party that neither the
Bolshevik model nor the Chinese model is applicable to the Philippines.
This further pushed the tendency to lessen the reading and study
of the works of Mao and to deviate from the appropriate structure
of our theoretical education.
It was further encouraged by attacks on Mao Zedong in China
with regard to the great leap forward and the great proletarian
cultural revolution as well as by the lessened militance of the
Chinese party in the world anti-imperialist movement. Albeit, the
Chinese Communist Party did not attack Mao for his teachings on
the new democratic revolution and the socialist transformation of
Chinese society. These teachings continue to be valid and enlightening
to the Philippine revolutionary movement.
The dogmatic ambush was not only on the appropriate structure
of our theoretical education but also on what should be our efforts
to sum up our own rich experience of people̓s war and raise
it to the level of theory. Instead, there is the preference to go
back to a single foreign example or to a part of it in an attempt
to validate an erroneous line — the line of urban insurrectionism
— and to superimpose it on our living practice of people̓s
Even while total victory has not yet been achieved in the
new democratic stage of the Philippine revolution, the Party has
acquired a lot of experience which can be studied and raised to
the level of theory. It has created various forms of revolutionary
forces. It has built red political power in a considerable portion
of Philippine territory. It has yielded writings that are significant.
But petit-bourgeois faddists get bored with the line of the Party
and see no great achievement unless the cities are seized.
Even at the present stage, the development of the Philippine
revolutionary movement is of a level higher than that of other revolutionary
movements which are better known in the intrnational press mainly
because of the more backward forms of oppression (like outright
colonialism and racism) that they contend with or because their
national status has gained recognition in United Nations resolutions.
But those who do not seriously study theory, under-rate the achievements
of the Philippine revolution and over-rate foreign models on the
basis of mere coverage in the world mass media and not on the basis
of the potential and actual advances on the path of the two-stage
Line Against Revisionism
Since the early 1980s, the deviation from the anti-revisionist
line of the Party has been prompted by a desire for rapid military
advances, be these the Jose Lava-type of quick military victory
or the “strategic counteroffensive” within the strategic
defensive. The National Democratic Front, like the Palestinian Liberation
Organization and other liberation movements, could try to establish
friendly relations with the revisionist ruling parties and regimes
in the early 1980s. However, some elements wished to over-ride the
pre-emptive relations between the Lava group and the revisionist
ruling parties and even wanted to repudiate the anti-revisionist
line of the Party in order to establish “fraternal”
relations with these revisionist ruling parties and secure material
In 1984, there was already the draft of a policy paper on
the international situation and line on international relations,
which toadied up to the Brezhnev ruling clique and unnecessarily
attacked China even if the Soviet Union and its flunkeys in the
Lava group were collaborating even more closely with the Marcos
fascist regime. In 1985, this paper was read to the Central Committee
plenum, which decided to subject it to further study.
At any rate, it was circulated and promoted by the International
Liaison Department until it was counteracted in 1987 and replaced
in 1988 by a new policy paper which upheld the correct principles
of party-to-party relations and the basic principles of socialism
but accepted at face value the avowals of Gorbachov, with some amount
of tactful critical observations.
Thus, even beyond 1989 (collapse of revisionist regimes
in Eastern Europe), the 28th CPSU Congress in 1990 and August 1991
(the coup and the banning of the CPSU), there are elements within
the Party who continue to adulate Gorbachov on a simplistic notion
of anti-Stalinism (which holds Stalin responsible even for the revisionist
ruling parties and regimes since 1956) and do not believe that the
revisionist ruling parties and regimes have collapsed and their
“fallen” leaders (misleaders) and their relatives have
characteristically become ex-communists and anti-communists, business
entrepreneurs, openly milking the state enterprises and privatizing
the social wealth of the proletariat and the people in collaboration
with the flagrant anti-communist regimes which oppress and exploit
the proletariat and people and persecute the genuine communists.
The criticism and repudiation of modern revisionism are
a basic component of the theoretical foundation and re-establishment
of our Party. No leading organ can do away with the basic documents
of the Congress of Re-establishment, short of a new congress. And
why should anyone at this point consider doing away with the critique
of modern revisionism or capitalist restoration when in fact it
has been vindicated and proven by the blatant restoration of the
class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and capitalism in Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union? The shame that properly belongs to
the Lava revisionist group should not be shifted to or shared by
Inside and outside the Party, there are a few but articulate
elements espousing ideas of insurrectionism, populism, liberalism,
social democracy and the like who have been influenced by the swindling
and wrecking operations of the Gorbachovite crew in the Soviet Union
and who have derided, denigrated and attacked the basic principles
of the Party. Just as it is important to take the most responsible
among them to account for celebrating Aquino in the past as the
champion of democracy and economic recovery, let us take them to
account for continuing to celebrate Gorbachov as the ideologist
of “socialist renewal and democracy” (in fact the restoration
of capitalism, bourgeois class dictatorship and disintegration of
the Soviet Union).
The glib advertising job of Gorbachov drummed up the total
negation of Marxism-Leninism and the entire course of Bolshevik
history; the accelerated capitalist restructuring and the breakdown
of production; the rise of the bourgeois class dictatorship; the
unleashing of nationalism, ethnic conflicts and civil war; and the
emergence of all kinds of monsters, including racism, fascism and
The imperialists and those who echo them wish the proletarian
revolutionaries in the Philippines to become shamed and demoralized
by the collapse of the revisionist ruling parties and regimes and
to give up Marxism-Leninism and the Philippine revolution. Let it
be stated forthrightly that the theory of Marxism-Leninism has proven
to be the correct guide in the making of the new democratic revolution
and in laying the political and economic foundation of the socialist
The New Great Challenge
At the same time, the Party recognizes that the truly new
great challenge for Marxist-Leninist theoretical and practical work
is the problem of combating modern revisionism, preventing the restoration
of capitalism and continuing the socialist revolution. The greatest
contribution of Mao to Marxist-Leninist theory is the recognition
of this problem and his attempt to solve it. That attempt met with
temporary success for a number of years but eventually failed. The
Paris Commune of 1871 succeeded briefly and failed. But the theory
of proletarian revolution and proletarian dictatorship was not invalidated
by the failure of the Paris Commune. After 46 years, the first proletarian
state would arise.
It took thirty to forty years to build socialism, proletarian
dictatorship and socialist economic construction among more than
a billion people and it took another thirty to forty years for modern
revisionism to peacefully evolve into blatant capitalism and the
full restoration of bourgeois class dictatorship in several countries.
It is an advantage for the Philippine revolution that while
it is still at the new democratic stage it has seen how socialism
was built elsewhere only to be subverted and destroyed. We, as proletarian
revolutionaries, have the advantage of availing ourselves of proven
Marxist-Leninist theory in the new democratic revolution and the
socialist revolution and construction as well as of learning lessons
from the peaceful evolution of socialism to capitalism and prospectively
from an inevitable resurgence of the anti-imperialist and socialist
movement. By learning positive and negative lessons in revolutionary
history, the Philippine revolution will have the opportunity to
contribute to the effort of building socialism and preventing the
restoration of capitalism in more effective ways.
In the meantime, especially after the bourgeois euphoria
over the downfall and disintegration of the revisionist ruling parties
and regimes,we witness today the aggravated problems of the world
capitalist system. The most developed capitalist countries are increasingly
in contradiction with each other over economic, financial, trade
and security matters. High technology is accelerating the insoluble
capitalist crisis of overproduction. High productivity is in contradiction
with the shrinking of the world market. The monopoly capitalist
sale of goods and services to the client states can be maintained
only by loans that cannot be paid back. The client states are debt-ridden
and are squeezing each other out in the export trade, yielding no
surplus to save them from further indebtedness but incurring more
budgetary and trade deficits.
In fact social turmoil and violent upheavals are occurring
with increasing frequency throughout the world, despite the peace
rhetoric of the “new world order”. Food riots, coups
and countercoups, ethnic strife, civil wars, and various types of
violence are bursting out in the third world and in the new client
states of imperialism in the East. Even in the capitalist countries,
the economic recession is causing unemployment, cutting down social
welfare measures, generating social tensions and breeding racism
and racist violence against workers from the third world.
due time, from the new world disorder, the anti-imperialist and
socialist movements will resurge. By force of circumstances, the
Marxist-Leninist parties that retain their proletarian revolutionary
integrity and continue to wage revolutionary struggles and some
parties that will re-emerge in countries where revisionist parties
have disintegrated or degenerated will spring up once more to wage
revolutionary struggles at a new and higher level under the theoretical
guidance of Marxism-Leninism and under the banner of proletarian
of the Rectification Movement and the Revolutionary Movement
Assessment by the Executive Committee of the Central Committee,
The Party̓s rectification movement, its consolidation
on the theoretical foundation of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
and its revitalization under the guidance of the general line of
the people̓s democratic revolution are advancing vigorously.
As a result, the reactionary
U.S.-Ramos regime̓s total war and psychological warfare scheme
to crush the revolutionary movement have collapsed. Totally defeated
as well were the desperate attempts of the revisionist renegades
to liquidate the revolution from within after the extreme harm that
they had inflicted by being the main promoters of military adventurism
and urban insur-rectionism. By repudiating the grave deviations
and disorientation, by consciously upholding the proletarian revolutionary
line and setting tasks firmly based on concrete conditions, the
Party has rid itself of serious vulnerabilities to frontal and outflanking
attacks from open and concealed enemies.
The Party has identified and
repudiated the worst and principal forms of deviation and error
of the past. “Left” opportunism was identified and exposed
and so was Right opportunism which further surfaced after “Let”
adventurism had taken a big beating in practice.
The revolutionary organizations
have expanded vigorously. We have stopped the trend of contraction
of the guerrilla fronts and reversed it towards renewed expansion.
But the adverse effects of past deviations, weaknesses and losses
continue to linger. Though less than before, there is still some
decrease in the total number of the organized mass base and full-time
There is unevenness in advancing
the work of rectification and recovery among the regions. The process
has been more complicated, difficult and prolonged than we had previously
estimated. The actual damage is bigger and more severe and its full
extent was revealed only in the process of summing-up and rectification.
The Party̓s understanding of the rectification movement, as
in other big battles, went through a process of deepening and widening,
of twists and turns, and of struggles.
The rectification movement
has been encumbered not only by the unremitting attacks of the reactionary
U.S.-Ramos regime, the revisionism and opportunism peddled by the
revisionist renegades and the reformist wind whipped up by the reactionaries
and anti-communist petit-bourgeois groups which have joined the
imperialist ideological offensive. Another big obstacle was the
accumulation of internal weaknesses resulting from long-standing
and serious disorientation, shortcomings and losses.
We must wage the struggle
painstakingly to overcome the damage and advance anew. We must have
the determination to deepen the rectification movement and strengthen
the foundation for renewed advance. Likely, we shall need the rest
of this year and next year for completing the process of rectification
and totally overcoming the damage. Likely also within next year,
our advances in the struggle and expansion of organized strength
will become solid.
The rectification movement
must be carried through to the end and the Party further consolidated
ideologically, politically and organizationally. The reactionary
ruling system is wracked by a severe political and economic crisis.
When the situation of the Party improves through the rectification
movement, its revolutionary leadership will surely be enhanced among
the people and the armed revolution will surely advance.
I. Ideological Rectification and Strengthening
The Party has regained strength in the course of intense struggles against
the total war and reactionary rule of the U.S.-Ramos regime, against
the revisionism and capitulationism peddled by the revisionist traitors,
and against petit-bourgeois reformism, as well as against its own
grave internal weaknesses and shortcomings. Its commitment and unity
based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought,
on the general line of the people̓s democratic revolution and
on the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside,
is firmer and clearer. Revisionism, dogmatism and empiricism, Right
and “Left” opportunism, bureaucratism, ultra-democracy
and liquidationism are steadfastly being repudiated. The internal
foundations for resolutely advancing the revolution are stronger.
In the last few years, the
rectification movement itself is our most important victory in upholding
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and integrating it with our
concrete practice. It is a proof of our Party̓s enduring Marxist-Leninist
foundation and its capability to unreservedly and self-critically
analyze its own practice from a thoroughly proletarian-revolutionary
viewpoint. While the revisionist traitrs are wallowing ever deeper
in the rut of capitulationism and decay, the Party is resolutely
repudiating the past errors and shortcomings and is persevering
along the revolutionary path.
The basic documents of the
second thorough-going rectification movement present a comprehensive
analysis of the crucial questions in the theory and practice of
the Philippine revolution over the past decade and a half. These
questions on line, strategy and policies stem primarily from the
positive and negative experiences of the Philippine revolution.
At the same time, the big struggles that shook the international
proletarian movement from the rise and eventual collapse of modern
revisionism have a strong bearing on these questions. Thus, the
rectification movement fosters the understanding of the Party and
the working class of the Marxist-Leninist line of advance not only
in the present but also in the subsequent stages of the revolution.
The Party actively leads in
defending and upholding the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought against modern revisionism, opportunism and other
bourgeois and petit-bourgeois lines. Aside from efforts inside the
country, the Party participates and leads in convening international
conferences to uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. We are
undertaking theoretical and historical researches and publishing
works contributing to the study of experiences in socialist revolution
and in the struggle against modern revisionism. The Party is vigorously
propagating the anti-revisionist line and the theory of continuing
revolution under proletarian dictatorship in order to combat the
systematic anti-socialist propaganda of the imperialists, echoed
by the revisionist renegades in anti-Stalin, anti-Mao and anti-communist
To guide the study and practice
of its units and members, the Party publishes in Rebolusyon
and Ang Bayan timely analyses and explanation of outstanding
national and international issues. The Party militantly combats
pro-imperialist and reformist lines and views in dealing with such
issues as peace, environment, development, women, national minorities
and human rights as well as the reformist use of these issues in
attempting to cover up the fundamental and principal issues of imperialism,
feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. Thus, the class stand and correct
revolutionary orientation in dealing with principal national and
international issues are strengthened anew and previous strong influences
of subjectivism and petit-bourgeois opportunism are repudiated.
Summing up and Self-criticism
The rectification movement consists mainly of summing up
and criticism and self-criticism. Its propagation and deepening
consists of a widespread study of the central documents of rectification
and, guided by these, summings-up of experiences at the lower levels
and spheres. Basic revolutionary principles are being studied through
a comprehensive understanding of concrete experiences over the past
decade and a half.
at the regional level and of main lines of work are important to
enable these to thoroughly grasp the conclusions and lessons drawn
by the central rectification documents. These are necessary especially
because the longstanding and serious deviations, errors and shortcomings
have resulted in disorientation seeping down to the basic levels.
So as to be able to thoroughly repudiate the deviations and errors
and lay a firm foundation for renewed advance, we must make rectification
and self-criticism permeate the entire Party.
At fist impact after the Tenth
Plenum of the Central Committee, the outstanding question in the
rectification movement was the correct view of the entire experience
of the Party in the last decade and a half. The focus was on national
policies and programs decided by the Party̓s central leadership.
These questions were further sharpened by the all-out anti-rectification
and anti-Party campaign launched by the revisionist traitors.
As the process of summing-up
reached the regions and the main lines of work in 1993 and 1994,
the Party̓s comprehension of its past experiences was further
enriched. We could then focus more attention on experiences with
regard to applying the line, policies and national plans at the
intermediate and basic levels. The deviations and damage as well
as their manifestations at the lower levels, in the localities and
in the direct relations of the Party and the people̓s army
with the masses were identified even more concretely, thoroughly
All regional committees have
already taken a correct stand on the principal issues and events
of the past, in accordance with the rectification movement and basic
revolutionary principles. Almost all units have completed their
comprehensive summings-up. Regional committees and national staff
organs which have yet to complete comprehensive summings-up have
undertaken a thorough assessment of their forces and work, or have
taken a stand on the outstanding issues of line and principles concerning
the struggle against the revisionist renegades.
Among certain units, summing-up
has been delayed and the rectification movement has yet to go into
full swing due to the urgency of having to confront the sabotage
and trouble-making of the revisionist traitors. However, in some
other units, the delay also comes from the impact of disorientation
and wrong views. For instance, some are still influenced by centrism,
bourgeois liberalism and sentimentalism and continue to deny the
existence of a two-line struggle within the Party and the centrality
of such a struggle in building a genuine Marxist-Leninist party.
They refuse to recognize or they cannot comprehend the simultaneous
existence and struggle of the proletarian and bourgeois lines in
the past and even in the present circumstances of the Party. Thus,
they continue to question, though not forthrightly, the need for
a rectification movement.
There are also some units
that stood firmly against the worst manifestations of the deviations
and errors peddled by the revisionist renegades but easily became
complacent or satisfied with the superficial analysis of their experience
and the situation within their own sphere. They reject and repudiate
the errors of others but they fall short when it comes to critically
analyzing and criticizing themselves.
In some units, erroneous views
continue to arise regarding the dialectical interaction between
the summing-up of the whole and of its parts and between the self-criticism
of the higher organs and that of the lower organs. Some hold the
view that they are not involved or responsible for the serious deviations
carried into the program of action implemented by the entire Party
for almost a decade. They tend to overemphasize the particularity
of their spheres of work, look only at how they differ from those
who committed the most severe manifestations of deviation and overlook
the fact that, like the latter, they too had committed serious violations
of the line and basic principles, though not extremely.
There are also those who put
the blame on the higher organs and regard themselves as merely having
been “swayed”, “victimized” or having “followed”
the errors from above. They reduce the practice of the Party, people̓s
army and the masses in one locality or line of work into a mere
organizational question regarding the relation between higher and
lower levels, instead of analyzing and fully comprehending their
practice at their own level, with its particularity and integrity,
as products of the integration of the line and policies of the Party
with their own concrete situation and practice. By blaming the higher
organs, especially concerning the practice of morethan one decade,
they in fact deny responsibility at their own level and within their
These erroneous views result
in the chopping up of our past experiences, selectivity in criticism
and rectification of deviations and errors, or avoidance of raising
issues to the level of questions of line and principle. Efforts
at rectification do not go beyond the superficial criticism of the
worst deviations of others. The desire to avoid blame and pass it
on to others distorts the summing-up and rectification, which is
the scientific and critical study of concrete experience to raise
our understanding of the principles and theory of making revolution.
Instead of earnestly upholding the principles and unity of the Party,
such a desire breeds distrust, narrow localism and departmentalism.
Thus, efforts at rectification are haphazard and consolidation work
is hampered; the internal foundation for decisively recovering from
our grave losses and advancing firmly are not laid.
demands the correct, critical and comprehensive analysis of concrete
experiences at all levels and important lines of work. We must identify
and rectify the primary forms and manifestations of deviations,
errors and shortcomings at all levels and lines of work. We must
also raise our understanding of our experiences to the level of
the struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line and the
bourgeois counterrevolutionary line within the Party. We must finish
the summings-up of all the regions and improve our comprehension
and summing-up of the rich experiences at the intermediate and basic
levels. We must also finish the summings-up of principal lines of
work, especially united front work, army building and mass work
in the countryside, to enable us to consolidate and sharpen our
summing-up of experiences and further develop the particular policies
and methods of work.
Because the cadres and members
of the Party have started to uphold the basic principles and rectify
past errors and shortcomings, we will certainly surmount the remaining
internal obstacles and arrive at a higher level of unity on the
principal questions. Still, we must continue to be vigilant, uphold
the spirit of thoroughness in rectification and resoluteness in
struggle so as to decisively overcome the most serious deviations,
errors and shortcomings. We must continue to be steadfast in our
principles and have a broad view so as to thoroughly get rid of
erroneous concepts, harmful habits, corruption and various forms
of bureaucratism left over by serious deviations and shortcomings
of the past.
Empiricism and revisionism
took big blows from the rectification movement and Party cadres
and members are combating these with heightened consciousness. But
we must continue to be vigilant. Empiricism and revisionism will
continue to pose a big danger for as long as theoretical education
on the three-level Party course is not firmly being carried out;
the study and propagation of the theory and history of scientific
socialism, the international communist movement and the struggle
against revisionism are not sustained and thorough-going; and haphazardness
and eclecticism in theory and principles are not thoroughly overcome.
While we are still reeling from the impact of the damage and we
have not firmed up our renewed advance, there will be tremendous
difficulties in the revolution on which empiricism and revisionism
Dogmatism continues to pose
a big danger due to the widespread influence of the previous dogmatic
style of study and work. The penchant for seeking foreign models
and formulas to impose uncritically upon our concrete conditions
and practice existed for a long time. In studying the experiences
from other countries and the concrete situation of the Philippine
revolution, many comrades had the propensity to simply draw parallels,
often very arbitrarily. The previous healthy practice of giving
importance to social investigation and class analysis had long been
neglected and swamped by the craving for formulas and schemes for
a shortcut to victory. Dogmatism was fostered by, and in turn fostered,
bureaucratism and commandism.
The Struggle Against Revisionist Traitors
In 1994, the revisionist renegades were further exposed
and isolated and this accelerated the disintegration of the groups
they were able to deceive and sway. We completed the expulsion of
their active operators from organizations led and influenced by
the revolutionary movement and thus removed the biggest internal
obstacle to the further strengthening of these organizations. In
the main, although still intense, the struggle against the sabotage
work of the revisionist traitors is now only secondary to undertaking
thorough-going rectification and consolidation of the organizations
and the tasks of the Party.
The revisionist renegades were quickly isolated as soon
as their complete ideological, political and organizational bankruptcy
became exposed. Until the early part of 1993, the renegades tried
to pose as loyal Party members and instigated an anti-rectification
and anti-Party barrage through a campaign of lies and venom against
the central leadership. But before long, after the vast majority
of Party members denounced them, they were compelled to totally
reveal their revisionist, capitulationist and collaborationist line
in their bid to consolidate the groups they had deceived. They poured
out their hostility towards Marxism-Leninism, the people̓s
democratic revolution and people̓s war. From their previous
insistence on military adventurism and urban insurrectionism, they
turned to blatant anti-communism and capitulationism, and thus,
completely exposed the single revisionist core of their old and
current bourgeois line.
Apart from their revisionism
and capitulationism, the revisionist traitors are wallowing ever
deeper in corruption. While the chief traitors luxuriate and indulge
themselves in the cities, the small bands whom they have misled
in the countryside are being completely mired in gangsterism and
roving rebel practices. Whether in the cities or in the countryside,
the masses despise them for being saboteurs and wreckers.
The revisionist renegades
and their counter-revolutionary line and wrecking operations are
the worst representations and consequences of the grave deviations
and shortcomings in the past. They stand as negative examples, underscoring
the reality and intensity of the struggle between the proletarian
line and bourgeois line within the Party. If we do not resolutely
advance the ideological, political and organizational consolidation
of the Party, if we do not heighten proletarian vigilance, the bourgeois
and petit-bourgeois line will gain ground and strength, mislead
and cause severe damage. This lesson, for which we have paid dearly,
should never be forgotten.
Three-Level Party Education Course
Next to summings-up and self-criticism, the most important
component of the rectification movement is advancing the Party̓s
three-level course for theoretical education. The long-standing
gross negligence in conducting the three-level education course
and as a consequence the poor theoretical level of Prty cadres and
leading committees set the basic conditions for the outgrowth and
worsening of disorientation and errors in the past.
Since the Tenth Plenum of the Central Committee, there has
been a marked improvement in the propagation of the writings of
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao within the Party. The dissemination
of Party documents — from the documents of re-establishment,
the first comprehensive rectification movement, up to the second
rectification movement and the current Party publications —
has also markedly improved. The initiative to propagate Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
writings come from the central leadership and from the leading committees
in the regions. The translation of these into Pilipino and various
local languages have also been revitalized in order to address the
needs of the overwhelming majority of the Party members who are
unable to read the English texts. There is a marked increase of
and heightened enthusiasm for collective and individual reading
and study within the Party.
However, attention on the
three-level Party course based on the outline approved by the Tenth
Plenum was delayed. At the outset, time and attention of leading
cadres and committees was focused mainly on combating the all-out
anti-Party campaign and, subsequently, on the summings-up of the
regional committees and main lines of work. The setting up of the
machinery for education and instruction was also delayed.
At the current stage of the
rectification movement, the main emphasis is on completing and propagating
the three-level course. The courses are being improved and targeted
for completion and propagation within the current year. The Party
is determined to tackle the problem of having a poor theoretical
grounding. It is the Party̓s fundamental task to arm the cadres
and members of the Party with sufficient knowledge of the theory
of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. This is the requisite for
enabling them to improve and understand — at the level of
theory and principles — their positive and negative experiences
in the past, more effectively combat revisionism and other forms
of opportunism and actively contribute to the development of the
Party̓s revolutionary study and practice.
National organs and most regions
have their respective cadre core with the capability to lead the
theoretical education at their levels and areas. But long neglect
has considerably diminished their ranks. A large bulk of the Party̓s
cadres was recruited towards the end of the ̓70s and throughout
the ̓80s, that is, at a time that serious disorientation and
neglect of theoretical education and ideological building prevailed.
A majority of leading committee members in the regions have a superficial
acquaintance even of Mao̓s writings which are closest to the
situation and problems of the Philippine revolution. Many cadres
and members lack knowledge even of the history of the Philippine
revolution. Their knowledge with regard to the theory of scientific
socialism, modern revisionism and the history of the international
communist movement is even more lacking.
Neglect of the study of theory
and principles had prevailed for a long time and bred a bad style
in study and work which we must uproot with all our might and replace
with the scientific and militant style of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
We must provide the necessary time, personnel and resources
for education work. All capable leading cadres must directly lead
and participate in this work. We must have a plan for producing
and training many more instructors at the different levels. We must
systematically and constantly promote the translation, reproduction
and distribution, as well as collective and individual reading,
of our Party publications and other Marxist-Leninist-Maoist works
at various levels and scopes.
Further Deepening the Rectification Movement
Deepening the rectification
movement means more thorough-going repudiation of the serious deviations
and errors through the repudiation of their principal forms and
manifestations at different levels, areas and lines of work. It
also means decisively overcoming the serious deviations and errors
at the theoretical level and deepening and broadening the entire
Party̓s knowledge of the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought and of the history of the Philippine revolution and the
international communist movement. Concurrently, we must further
consolidate the Party ideologically, politically and organizationally,
set the correct tasks and with all our might reinvigorate our revolutionary
work and struggles.
To further advance and deepen the rectification movement
and ideological consolidation, let us set ourselves to accomplish
the following tasks:
1. Complete the summings-up of the regional committees
and main lines of work. Let the spirit of self-criticism and rectification
prevail at all levels and in all areas.
2. Raise the entire Party̓s level of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
consciousness and vigilantly oppose revisionism, subjectivism and
other manifestations of the bourgeois and petit-bourgeois line.
3. Complete the three-level Party course and give
the highest priority to its propagation and study.
4. Broaden the efforts to translate, reproduce and
distribute Marxist-Leninist-Maoist writings as well as our Party
5. Step up research work and studies on theory and
history. Encourage more research and studies on the history and
current situation of Philippine society, specific characteristics
of our people̓s war and the history of the international communist
movement and the struggle against revisionism.
6. Step up propaganda within and outside the Party
on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, the line of the people̓s
democratic revolution and scientific socialism.
7. Raise the entire Party̓s understanding of
the particular characteristics and requirements of our people̓s
war by drawing on the knowledge of the history and the experiences
of the past decade and more as enriched several times over through
the rectification movement....