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Document
Build
the Seizure of Power Amidst People's War!
(II
PLENUM OF THE PCP CENTRAL COMMITTEE)
Excerpts from
an important document of the 2nd Plenum of the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Peru, in 1991. This document sheds light
on how the People's War develops through twists and turns - AWTW.
Preparatory
Session
... On the
particular conditions. We know the facts; the problem consists in
analyzing them correctly and learning from them. Once more it is
demonstrated that the Party, its leaders and Chairman Gonzalo specifically
and principally know how to navigate and stear the ship through
storms in turbulent waters. Chairman Mao teaches us that all developments
generate disequilibrium, and this, as well as struggle, is absolute.
As a result, we must learn to deal with disequilibrium; but what
is implied by dealing with it? Draw out its laws, for if the laws
which govern the process are understood, be they simple or complex,
it can be dealt with and these laws can be applied to transform
reality to benefit the proletariat and the people and serve the
revolution. Our glorious perspective of seizing power will be the
finishing stroke for the democratic revolution, and we will immediately
begin the socialist revolution, and that interval of blood and victory
will be one of profound disequilibrium; even after we seize power
there will be troubles and tempestuous winds. Thus these types of
situations strengthen us; that is, this is how communists are forged,
in turbulence and difficulty, never in calm. It is said that he/she
wins who endures to the end and we know how to endure to the end
because we have the true ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo
Thought, which arms our souls and hands with the incontrovertible
truth. Disequilibrium, however slight or profound it might be, forges,
tempers and steels us. Chairman Mao said: "In difficult times, we
should bear in mind our successes, see our brilliant future and
pluck up our courage." Today communism is being attacked around
the world and also here in our country by the lackeys of imperialism
and the followers of foreign revisionist masters. What to apply?
Maoism, unleash the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought campaign
to crush this sinister counter-revolutionary counteroffensive that
is converging from imperialism and revisionism. Our Party is at
a new moment in the war, higher, more complex, more victorious,
and the Plenum's particular circumstances reflect this. What we
confront is nothing more than part of the disequilibrium, and it
is forging us for the truly complex moments that all revolutions
must go through. Communism teaches us to be prepared for defeats.
Chairman Mao says that whoever doesn't understand victories and
defeats doesn't understand war....
Questions
of military strategy: "The protracted war and its three stages"
"The three
specific stages of the protracted People's War in Peru. Strategic
equilibrium and preparation for the counteroffensive: the enemy
tries to recover positions to maintain its system; the Party prepares
the strategic offensive by Building the Seizure of Power. The reaction
needs to annihilate the People's War and the Party, while the people
must build the seizure of power."
Note well
the stages of protracted war. Chairman Mao teaches that People's
War goes through three stages: strategic defensive, strategic equilibrium,
and strategic offensive. This theory is not exclusive to the anti-Japanese
War but rather a component part of the theory of People's War. We
must see how the particularities of these stages are reflected in
our People's War, and what specific characteristics each one of
these stages adopts.
It is of
great significance to have defined and proven in reality and here
to officially affirm that we are in the second stage of the People's
War, a new stage: strategic equilibrium. Chairman Mao defines it
as the stage where the enemy as well as the revolutionary forces
take positions and prepare themselves for the decisive battles which
will take place in the strategic offensive. In point 37 of "On Protracted
War," referring to the enemy, he says "they will try to safeguard
the occupied areas", and referring to the revolutionary forces,
he says "our guerrilla war will develop extensively in the first
stage, and many base areas will be established seriously threatening
the enemy's consolidation of the occupied areas, and so in the second
stage, there will be widespread fighting." He later continues, "the
duration of this stage will depend on the degree of change in the
balance of forces between us and the enemy and on the changes in
the international situation...." "This second stage will be the
transitional stage of the entire war; it will be the most trying
period but also the pivotal one."
We have
specified: "Strategic equilibrium and preparation for the counteroffensive:
the enemy tries to recover positions to maintain its system; the
Party prepares the strategic offensive by Building the Seizure of
Power. The reaction needs to annihilate the People's War and the
Party, while the people must build the seizure of power." We think
that given the development of our People's War and the situation
of the counter-revolution, these are the points that characterize
both belligerent parties. Peruvian reaction must "regain positions"
on all levels, principally politically; where we have generated
a power vacuum we have built the New Power, we have the People's
Committees and Base Areas, we exercise Power. Even in the cities,
we decree an armed strike and the masses follow the voice of the
Party. The reactionaries themselves see that the old state doesn't
extend to many areas in the countryside and in others it can't rule.
Even worse, the lower and deeper basic masses and the people as
a whole feel more and more that the old state doesn't satisfy their
elementary needs for food, health and education, and we must draw
attention to this more clearly. The old state is worm-eaten to its
foundations, incapable of fulfilling its specific functions, and
a state that doesn't fulfill its role loses credibility before the
masses and is undermined. The current regime, the new government
which leads the old state, represents the big, principally comprador
bourgeoisie and the landlords and is the most unabashedly pro-Yankee
imperialist. It has taken office in worse conditions than the prior
government. It is much more discredited. It lacks a majority in
parliament. It doesn't have a party and the so-called Cambio 90
lacks cohesion. For example, the leaders of the old state see themselves
subjected to the growing strength of the executive branch, the main
laws are dictated by decree and since the first government of Belaunde,
they have been ruling like this, abusing article 211, section 20
of the Peruvian Constitution. The parliament is stripped of its
role of passing laws and supervising the budget. Fujimori has attacked
the judicial branch since he took office, and every day there is
flagrant violation of their own rules, laws and constitution. The
contradictions between the factions and groups of the big bourgeoisie
have deepened in the midst of collusion and contention. They cannot,
and will not, be able to resolve the economic crisis. Moreover,
it is going to worsen. The counterinsurgency war becomes a war without
prisoners, genocide, as they vent their rage against the masses.
The armed forces commit murder and do not respect even the most
basic so-called human rights. Regarding the entire national territory,
2/3 is under a state of emergency, and the Communist Party of Peru
through People's War controls and influences wide areas, mainly
in the countryside. In addition to all this there is the Party's
work abroad and the international repercussions of the People's
War in Peru. To summarize, their state is in serious danger.
The only
way in which the enemy can regain political and military positions
to save its state is to wipe us out. Looking at any serious study
of the People's War in Peru, and even the most simplistic commentaries,
for example that of Ayacucho Congressman J. Valencia, we see that
they refer to either the absence or the weakness of their old state,
to which must be added the continuous resignations of old authorities.
Since the
Congress, we have been planning to build the seizure of power and
we are building that seizure. Strategic equilibrium is a political
fact, not a mere slogan. We are building the seizure of power. Why
did this demand arise urgently at this time? We have already passed
through four stages in the leap from guerrilla warfare to mobile
warfare, and this shows how the process develops; the problem is
that if they don't wipe us out, we'll wipe them out. The reactionaries
need to destroy the People's War, we need to build the seizure of
power. When a mouthpiece like Raul Gonzalez says "There is still
time," that proves even the reaction realizes this fact. His declarations
are in the magazine Gestión of the beginning of the current
month. The reaction plans to annihilate us but doubt corrodes them,
such that the IDL (Institute of Legal Defence) considers that this
possibility exists before the end of Fujimori's government. Also
generals like Arciniegas, Renjifo and Jarama publicly declare that
the Party is preparing to take power. That they recognize it as
an objective fact is extremely telling.
Note here
that we are not saying that it will only be the Party's task to
build that seizure. It is also that of the people. The Party's situation
and the growing explosiveness of the masses, justly and correctly
analyzed and specified in our programme, are intimately linked.
There is no separation at any point. If we look at the "three bases
and three guidelines" we have another example: "Strengthen the People's
Guerrilla Army, especially build the main forces," "Develop the
New Power and Build Open People's Committees", and leading the three
are the references to the Party, "Strengthen the Construction and
Forge Cadre." We also point out "prepare the strategic offensive
through Building the Seizure of Power", as being part of strategic
equilibrium. It is here that the basis is laid for the coming stage:
our strategic offensive.
All of these
elements demonstrate a political fact. We insist, it is a material
fact, real, existing in practice, in society, in the class struggle
of the country, in the People's War and from there we reflect it
in ideas. Make it known to the people and grasp it: We have entered
the stage of strategic equilibrium.
"The
three stages of revolutionary civil war have different characteristics
than in anti-imperialist wars of resistance. In the former, the
strategic defensive is more prolonged and goes from guerrilla warfare
to mobile warfare, which is principal."
Here the
point is that the three stages of the People's War don't occur solely
in the war of anti-imperialist resistance but rather in all of the
specific forms of the People's War, for example in our revolutionary
civil war and in each period of the People's War. It is part of
the general theory of the People's War. It doesn't apply exclusively
to the anti-Japanese war in China. Therefore, these characteristics
differ in the three stages. They occur in one way in the civil war
period and another way in the period of the anti-imperialist resistance.
In the civil war, the strategic defensive of the revolution is more
prolonged and also goes on to develop from guerrilla warfare to
mobile warfare, this being principal. Third, taking into account
what Chairman Mao teaches in "Strategic Defensive and the Strategic
Offensive in Guerrilla War" and which we have dealt with in the
document of the Second Plenum Preparatory Session, page 390, the
defensive and the offensive occur in all battles and campaigns.
The three
stages of protracted war have different characteristics in each
period. For example, the defensive is different in anti-imperialist
war. There the defensive is brief. It is not the same as in civil
war. During civil war the defensive is longer; our war today is
a civil war and we have gone over from the strategic defensive to
strategic equilibrium. Thus, if direct imperialist aggression were
to occur, it would signify a change in the principal contradiction,
and the nature of the war would change from that of civil war to
anti-imperialist war. It would become a national war which is when
many more masses take part in the revolution. The majority unite.
For example, if 5,000 or 20,000 men invade with all the materiel
at their disposal, it would be a powerful, bloody, imperialist offensive
and this would imply our retreat. We would go on the defensive,
but this defensive would be shorter than that which occurred in
the civil war, when we began the People's War. Besides, it would
not be the same. We would have more favourable circumstances for
the seizure of power than during ILA [the beginning of the armed
struggle]. If the anti-imperialist war of resistance occurs once
we are in strategic equilibrium, we would go over to a distinct
strategic defensive, and, by means of successive and more developed
defensives and offensives, we would reach the strategic offensive
and the seizure of power. It could happen that imperialism would
become involved once we are in the strategic offensive; then too
we would be on the strategic defensive for a time. But this would
be necessarily brief and we would return to the offensive and seize
power. The defensive in a civil war is not the same as in an anti-imperialist
war. In the anti-imperialist war the imperialist offensive is devastating,
powerful and bloody and generates a strategic defensive within the
strategic equilibrium or within the strategic offensive. The strategic
defensives are not the same, each has its own specific strategy,
always applying offensive operations, each has its own characteristics,
but the strategic defensive is shorter in the anti-imperialist war
because in changing the principal contradiction and the character
of the war, it unites a broader majority of the people more deeply
and firmly, and at the same time international support grows and
becomes more powerful.
Another
change occuring at present is that guerrilla warfare is giving way
to mobile warfare, which will become the principal form, but not
the only form. The guerrilla war will continue developing as fundamental
for the immediate future.
"The protracted
character derives from the correlation of three situations: 1. ours;
2. that of the enemy; and 3. the international situation. The
last is the one which now and in the immediate future presents problems,
but aside from the fact that revolution will more concretely express
its condition as the main trend spurred on by the counterrevolution
itself, the principal thing is to rely on our own efforts and
seize power to serve the development of the world revolution. We
will continue to develop our own socialist revolution building socialism
and the dictatorship of the proletariat."
Of the three
situations the problem is the international one, but the principal
thing is us. The seizure of power in the entire country is in our
hands. This seizure by the Party will be in the service of the world
proletarian revolution. We will proceed immediately to the socialist
revolution, build it, develop it, as well as set up and defend the
dictatorship of the proletariat until, through cultural revolutions,
we reach communism.
The international
factor, even though not principal, is basic, and we should grasp
that although today it presents problems, in the immediate future
revolution will express its character as the main trend, spurred
on by the counterrevolution itself. We can triumph without revolution
being on the offensive on the world level. Some say, "How can we
triumph alone in the world?" They don't see that, as Chairman Mao
says, the main thing is to rely on our own efforts, that that is
the way to advance and will be decisive. This will necessarily accelerate
the international situation....
"Campaigns
of encirclement and annihilation. Countercampaigns, principal form.
Through them, broadening and developing them, principally by maintaining
the initiative, we have reached the strategic equilibrium. We
have not suffered any great defeat. We prepare ourselves to prevent
this. But if it does happen (which would require major direct
or indirect action by U.S. imperialism), it would only be a partial
and relative defeat within a perspective of developing the People's
War aimed against Yankee imperialism and its puppets within the
context of national polarization moving toward the seizure of power.
In addition the international situation and above all proletarian
internationalism and the support of the peoples of the world will
be expressed more broadly and resolutely."
In ten years
of People's War we have expanded through these campaigns and countercampaigns
of encirclement and annihilation. What we have to see here are the
particularities of our case. This process has brought us to a new
stage. We have passed through campaigns and countercampaigns of
encirclement and annihilation from the strategic defensive to the
stage of strategic equilibrium.
Militarily
speaking, retaining the initiative has been key. Since the beginning
of the armed struggle we have set political and military objectives
for ourselves and we have met them. No one can show that we have
not obtained our objectives, that the New Power doesn't exist in
the diverse forms of People's Committees, from the Organizing Committees
to the Open People's Committees. It is evident that the enemy aims
to annihilate the commissioners [of the Open People's Committees]
trying to destroy the New Power. The existence of the People's Guerrilla
Army, with its platoons, companies and battalions, is so real that
the newspapers even report about it. If it does not exist, why do
they write "300 storm or attack this or that barracks"? There are
main forces, local forces and militia rooted among the masses -
if not, who are they fighting and why do they destroy villages and
slums accusing them of being "senderistas"? And who leads all this?
The Party. And who sustains these apparatuses? The masses. Are
they phantoms? The fact that one or another mouthpiece for Yankee
imperialism and Peruvian reaction is paid to deny the truth is so
common in the old and rotten bourgeois systems that it should not
surprise us. Now that we have entered strategic equilibrium, they
say, "It cannot be!" "It's impossible!" etc., etc. But the process
will continue unfolding and will not stop just because some shills
dejectedly wail and rack their brains to deny it.
Going back
to "we have not suffered any big defeats. We prepare ourselves to
prevent this." Until today this process has developed with successes
and setbacks. We have lived through hard times, like the years 1983-84,
without a single big defeat. Nevertheless, we think that in the
same way that the revolution develops and grows powerful, the counterrevolution
also learns, as it applies plans, tactics, etc. We know they are
preparing the involvement of Yankee imperialism. The greatest quantity
of coca in the world is grown in Peru (together with Bolivia we
have 90% of the coca fields). The biggest consumer of cocaine is
Yankee imperialism, and it deals with drug trafficking with military
action, as part of its global interests. If we add that in Peru
a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought People's War is unfolding
which has communism as its final objective, then the problems and
dangers are even greater for imperialism. The basic point is that
here there is a confrontation between revolution and counterrevolution.
Here Marxism is being applied, the World Revolution; the Peruvian
People's War is the beacon of hope for the communists, proletarians
and peoples of the world. For these reasons it is extremely important
that we strengthen ourselves ideologically and politically in the
best way possible, and that we prepare on all levels, principally
militarily, for a direct or indirect invasion by Yankee imperialism.
If imperialism directly invades us it will be Yankee imperialism.
Then we will have as our main enemy the superpower that seeks hegemony,
the big gendarme. We know this and we are not afraid. But this doesn't
mean that we have forgotten the other imperialist superpower, the
USSR, which is the skinny dog we should also take aim at. While
today it has problems, it is still a main enemy. Of course, we never
forget the imperialist powers. We always take into account the contradictions
in the imperialist camp and make use of them, especially in a national
anti-imperialist war. We have solemnly promised to never lay down
our weapons until we have reached communism, to persist in the struggle
for communism even if the superpowers or other powers come, armed
to the teeth with their powerful weapons. We communists know what
we want and why we are struggling. Nothing should or can stop us
from fulfilling the Party's objective to serve the people, the proletariat
and the world revolution.
Let us teach
the masses that Yankee imperialism and the reactionaries are paper
tigers, not to fear imperialism, to be prepared ideologically and
militarily. We know how to build tunnels. In China they provided
a great experience which was later also successfully applied in
Vietnam. It is possible to develop "tunnel warfare" and, moreover,
Chairman Mao taught that their construction is a strategic guideline.
We have been digging tunnels since 1983. Today we should develop
them. It is key.
If imperialism
invades, it will do so with enormous propaganda, to justify its
occupation and ravaging of the people. Behind talk of ending drug
trafficking or crushing communism and defending "democracy," its
deeds would be those of imperialist aggression, an unjust war, a
great massacre, and cruel and sinister destruction. Starting today,
we should denounce this. We do not fear this, rather it makes us
stronger. What they are doing in the Persian Gulf, their arrogance,
invading and murdering to the point of genocide and with great cynicism
(they have bombed an oppressed people like never before) is an example
of the monstrous barbarism that imperialism, Yankee imperialism
in particular, harbours in its very entrails.
If during
the strategic offensive, Yankee imperialism should directly intervene
with all the bloody ferocity that its monopolist, parasitic and
dying conditions allow, we would be in a situation of going on
the defensive. But that would not change the stage of strategic
offensive. Our defensive would imply a strategic retreat in order
to counterattack. Obviously they would hit us and the masses hard,
but we would retreat, then regroup, outflank them and concentrate
on their weak points and annihilate them, bit by bit, until we defeat
them and throw them out. It would be an arduous and bloody task,
but these would be magnificent conditions to unite the immense masses
of people and lead a war of national liberation against imperialism,
a prelude to the seizure of power throughout the country which
also would mean overthrowing the imposed puppet regime. There would
be greatly heightened polarization: on one side the imperialists
and the pro-imperialists, all of the big bourgeoisie and its partners,
the feudal landlords and their lackeys; on the other, the classes
that make up the people, the patriots and all the anti-imperialists.
We would continue to grow through superior offensives and successive,
ever higher levels of campaigns and countercampaigns, finally going
over to insurrection and the seizure of power in the entire country.
We should
also consider the different forms of imperialist intervention, direct
or indirect, through other countries or by applying its "low intensity
warfare." They accumulate forces, and come in as "advisors" giving
"help", responding to "terrorist aggression", or they might intervene
after we seize power, using pro-imperialist elements and armed groups
to systematically undermine us, waiting for the opportunity to reverse
the situation with a counter-revolutionary coup. Because of that
we should prepare ourselves to seize and defend power with People's
War. The Yankees do not want to get bogged down in a Vietnam war,
a protracted type of war, which does not suit them. They prefer
quick, decisive action to "restore order" and to "help" their lackeys
with pacification. We should be prepared for various types and methods
of imperialist aggression, mainly Yankee. They could dislodge us
from areas and even regions fundamental to our struggle, but they
will not crush the People's War. It would seem to be a great defeat,
but it would be nothing more than the logical course of imperialist
aggression. We would continue to learn and apply the principles
of People's War. We would fall back to other regions and areas and
we would return more steeled than ever to recover them. We would
return more tested and closer to the seizure and defence of power
throughout the country. This defeat then would only be partial and
relative within the perspective of developing the People's War,
aimed principally against Yankee imperialism and its puppets, within
the national polarization moving toward the seizure of power throughout
the country. That is how we unfold the strategic offensive. As to
the cost, we are as always prepared to pay the highest cost, but
we shall struggle to ensure that it is as low as possible, applying
the principles of the People's War. In facing imperialism, as in
everything, we maintain strategic firmness and tactical flexibility
according to the specific existing conditions.
Also, in
such conditions, proletarian internationalism and the support of
the peoples of the world would be broader and more determined. The
counter-revolutionary action of imperialism will itself generate
the anti-imperialist action of the proletariat and the people of
the world....
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